Ideology and feminism: Why the suffragettes were ‘wild women’

Opposition to women's suffrage from the 1860s to 1914 was structural and ideological. The dominant ideology concerning women's position was articulated more clearly as the feminist movement mobilized. Ideological opposition to feminism in general and the women's suffrage movement in particular operated on the basis of ideas of ‘natural’ womanhood against which feminist activity was frequently viewed as deviance. Female suffrage speakers were caricatured as ‘unwomanly’, and subjected to a subtle process of ‘role stripping’. Militant activity by the suffragette movement after 1905 invoked a wider range of social control agents, but the particular ideological opposition to feminism continued to be important.     

"Sort of part of the women's movement. But different": mothers' organisations and Australian feminism

In spite of the ‘maternal turn’ in feminist theory, at the level of policy and practice feminism has neglected the politics of motherhood. This article explores the ambivalent relationship between the Australian women's movement and mothers' organisations formed to contest the management of childbirth and lactation. It argues that the advent of a ‘politics of difference’ allows greater acceptance of seemingly non-feminist positions on maternity and recognition of the role played by childbirth reformers in effecting social change. It examines Australian feminist attitudes to motherhood before discussing the response to feminism of women's groups which saw themselves as possibly part of a wider women's movement, but ‘different’ from mainstream feminism. A strong familial orientation was often contradicted by the everyday lives of activist women, who gained new skills and self-confidence in a significant challenge to medicalised reproduction.     

‘Peace with the earth:’ Women and the environmental movement in Sweden

Women active in the contemporary Swedish environmental movement draw much of their inspiration from twentieth century feminist Elin Wägner (1882–1949) who in the 1930s saw connections between environmental issues, feminism, and matriarchal cultures of the past. Contemporary women writers, poets, and artists celebrate periods in which both women and nature seemed to be more powerful than they are today. Contemporary women are most active in environmental issues that involve the reproduction of the human species (such as nuclear issues) and their own reproductive labor as it affects themselves, the family, and the state (such as pesticides, food quality and distribution, and work environments). These issues are analysed as a ‘politics of reproduction’ that leads to conflicting strategies of equality politics, women's culture politics, and alternative ‘green’ politics. These conflicting strategies exemplify contradictions inherent in both the wider women's movement and the ‘women and environment’ movements throughout the world today.     

‘First wave’ feminism in nineteenth-century France: Class, family and religion

The history of ‘first wave’ feminism in France raises several questions of relevance to the contemporary women's movement. Organized French feminism began during the struggle to replace a Catholic monarchy with a rationalistic, republican form of government. Because of the allegiance of most Frenchwomen to the church, however, even the republican and socialist supporters of feminist reform in educational institutions and in civil rights opposed political participation by women. Feminists, who themselves emphasized reforms in family law and economic opportunities, formed numerous organizations, published journals and held national and international meetings, but remained less a movement than a mosaic of leaders and groups divided by class, religion and personal rivalry. More importantly, they were estranged from the majority of Frenchwomen by questions pertaining to the relationship of women to the traditional patriarchal family, which continued to play a dominant role in the religious, economic and social life of the country. Internal conflict developed over protective legislation and women's ‘right to work’, while external opposition centered about the politically reactionary potential of religious women, and the alleged ‘anti-patriotic’ individualism of those who rejected motherhood as the ‘natural vocation’ and only career of women. By pitting feminism against a particular form of the family, antifeminists obscured the reality of women's oppression and succeeded in alienating the potential support for feminism of most Frenchwomen.     

A hidden and complex heritage: Reflections on the history of Germany's women's movements

This paper examines the conditions of early feminism in Germany, the differing attitudes and strategies adopted by early feminists, characterizations of the movement in historical accounts and the relationship of contemporary feminism in Germany to its earlier manifestation. The conclusion reached is that our feminist heritage is a hidden and complex one and can only be understood fully if the ‘underside’ is examined ‘from below’.     

Feminist research and the use of drama

This paper looks at the question of a feminist methodology and argues that the researcher and her aims are crucial, rather than the particular techniques she may use. A broader definition of ‘methodology’ is suggested, describing the process or feminist approach to the research, which starts from women's experience and can include qualitative or quantitative methods. A research project using drama with adolescent girls is analysed to see how far drama can be seen as a qualitative feminist method. It is argued that drama cannot be inherently feminist, but in this case was used in a feminist way because of the researcher's feminist approach.     

Women as Active Citizens: Glasgow and Edinburgh c.1918–1939

This article examines evidence of active political engagement by women in Edinburgh and Glasgow in the inter-war years of the twentieth century. While discussing the wider context of women's political activities in this period, in terms of party politics and the range of women's organisations in existence, it focuses in particular on Women Citizens’ Associations, Societies for Equal Citizenship and Co-operative Women's Guild branches. Comparing interventions by such women's organisations in the two cities around the selected themes of political representation, housing, ‘moral and social hygiene’, and contraception, the article demonstrates that women's organisations participated in public debates and campaigns to advance what they perceived as women's interests. Temporary alliances around issues such as the regulation of prostitution and provision of contraceptive advice brought together a range of women's organisations, but class differences in perspectives became increasingly apparent in this period, particularly in Glasgow. The issues addressed by women's organisations covered the spectrum of ‘equal rights’ and ‘welfare feminism’, although they did not necessarily identify as feminist. Common to all organisations, however, was a commitment to active citizenship, with women becoming a recognised part of local political networks in this period, although they remained poorly represented in parliament.     

Tensions in israeli feminism: The mizrahi ashkenazi rift

The idea of women's liberation was imported in the 1970s from the West by liberal feminist activists who immigrated to Israel. The first Israeli feminists adopted all the liberal feminist slogans and ideology together with their advantages and the disadvantages. The implantation of these ideas in the Israel—a country torn ethnically—has produced a conflict from which Mizrahi feminism has evolved. By the 1990s, Mizrahi women who participated in feminist activity, and who found themselves excluded and marginalized by the Ashkenazi women who dominated the Israeli feminist movement began to give expression to their feelings of oppression. This reached a peak in 1995 in Natanya with the First Mizrahi Feminist Annual Conference. This article outlines the historical, social, political and ideological processes in which Mizrahi feminism developed. It shows how slogans such as sisterhood and solidarity, have been used to endorse activities which do not benefit women of all the different ethnic groups in Israel. The article includes a discussion of dilemmas that arise from “tokenism” and the purportedly universalist feminist agenda. The Mizrahi feminist agenda and its ideological framework, as well as its strategic aspects, are also critically reviewed.     

To Pay Suspicious Attention: Following the Weave of ‘Mixed Logics’ in Women’s Ethical Decision Making

This article explores areas of law loosely within English equity and trusts law that have not conventionally been subject to feminist debate, and within the context of a discussion about feminist method. The particular areas examined are whistleblowing and trustees’ powers of investment, each of which calls for consideration of decision-making processes which have an ethical content. These sites are chosen because they take debate outside the all too familiar locations of woman or ‘the body of woman’, including the family home, where feminist analysis in relation to equity and trusts tends to stray. In exploring these chosen fields, Hobby’s (Feminist Perspectives on Equity and Trusts, Cavendish Publishing, 2001, pp. 219–255) critique of gender dimensions in relation to whistleblowing and Dunn’s (Feminist Perspectives on Equity and Trusts, Cavendish Publishing, 2001, pp. 179–196) account of women trustees’ investment decisions are evaluated and developed. The debate within feminist legal criticism of the possibility of integrating an ‘ethics of care’ and an ‘ethics of rights’ is acknowledged. Whilst acknowledging of the difficulty of adopting an approach that recognises ‘mixed logics’, it is concluded that women (and men) do integrate the ethics of care and the ethics of rights in their decision-making. It is argued that the effort should be made to trace the specific weave in particular circumstances, thereby paying suspicious attention to the values that underlie courts’ analyses of ethical choices.     

The public and the private in architecture: A feminist critique

Hanna Arendt's discussion of public and private derives more or less intact from Aristotle and forms a principal philosophical basis for mainstream architectural theory exemplified in the writings of Kenneth Frampton. An eminent architectural historian, teacher, and critic, Frampton proposes that the discipline of architecture is in crisis today because of an unprecedented enphasis on ‘the life-bound values of animal laborans,’ and because ‘it is largely divested of culturally valid institutions for its embodiment,’ which institutions, he suggests, find their archetypes in the agora of the ancient polis. The author criticizes Frampton's position from the perspective of feminist philosophy, based on Elshtain and Pitkin, and advocates some reformulation of the traditional hierarchical relationship between the two domains. The last section of the article locates architectural work within this feminist perspective: in programme, precedents, and formal expression. ‘The Ethical Polity’ provides a potential vehicle for architectural exploration predicated on the restructuring of public and private.     

Women and drunken sociology: Developing a feminist analysis

The purpose of this paper is to outline some of the key areas of concern which relate to women and alcohol and to frame these issues within a feminist perspective. Five areas of discussion include: (1) alcohol research as multidisciplinary and multisexist; (2) ‘drunken sociology’ and the development or lack of development of the women's issue; (3) the women and alcohol issue thus far; (4) the need for a feminist perspective and women as passive consumers and economic targets and (5) alcoholism, addictions or just plain old dependency? It is hoped that the discussion presented in this paper will highlight some of the difficulties which confront feminist scholars working in this particular field of study.     

Prostitution, morality crusades and feminism: German-Jewish feminists and the campaign against white slavery

Feminism did not come easily to Germany's middle-class Jewish women. Moral outrage against white slavery and prostitution, however, led many religious housewives to join the Jüdischer Frauenbund (League of Jewish Women), a Jewish feminist organization. Their attitudes towards their ‘victimized’ or ‘erring young sisters’, their motivations for fighting white slavery, and the tactics they employed in their campaigns are examined in this essay. While they emphasized the virtues of purity and invoked Jewish ethical codes, theirs was not simply a morality crusade. The feminist founders of the Jüdischer Frauenbund (JFB) struggled to persuade their more conservative followers that the sexual abuse of women was linked to their inferior status in German society and Jewish culture. These leaders successfully convinced JFB members to take a giant step beyond their traditional family roles and charitable activities in order to challenge sexism. Thus the fight against white slavery became instrumental in serving wider feminist goals.     

Helene Stöcker and the Bund fuer Mutterschutz (The Society for the Protection of Motherhood)

The Society for the Protection of Motherhood (BfM) was the first organization in Germany to concern itself with a reform of sexual ethics and the transformation of the relationship between women and men—not only on a theoretical level but by actually providing support for single mothers and their children and initiating counselling centres to deal with sexual problems. At the same time, the BfM demanded legal equality for illegitimate children, the decriminalization of abortion and the right of women to sue for divorce. In raising these issues, the BfM trod on difficult ground since they were not ‘popular’ topics of discussion within German society around the turn-of-the-century. The chairwoman of the BfM, Helene Stöcker, who was among the first women to study and obtain a doctorate in Germany, put the Society's ideas into practice in her relationship of ‘free love and marriage’ with her partner, the lawyer Bruno Springer. Indeed, it was the policy of the BfM to encourage progressive men to join the organization and work in partnership with the women, while most of the other groups on the radical wing of the bourgeois women's movement chose to work autonomously from men. Over the years, the BfM's priorities changed and its members moved in different directions: while the ‘moderates’ wanted to retain the family as the nucleus of the state, the more radical members went in search of new forms of relationship, attempting thereby to expose society's double standard of morality.     

Nothing to spare : by Jan Carter, 237 pages. Penguin Books, Australia. Price, Aus. $6.95

When attempting to establish women's studies courses within institutions of higher education, women face a traditional power structure designed to obstruct movements for change. Four factors relevant to a power analysis of this situation are status, concrete resources, expertise and self-confidence. These factors are defined and examined in relation to the fight to establish women's studies courses. Within this background the issue of men as ‘patrons’ as teachers and as students, and the fact of women's anger are examined. Many arguments forwarded by conservative patriarchal institutions are discussed. The paper emerges from the experiences of the author in three universities. It is aimed at clarifying some of the traps set for women so that other women can eliminate any fears that their experiences are idiosyncratic or ‘their fault’ rather than part of a formalized power game.     

Re-thinking feminism: Some thoughts on the limitations of ‘basics’-training

In this article, I draw on my experience as a Jew and a lesbian and as a Jewish lesbian—both outside and inside the Women's Liberation Movement—to examine the problem of feminist ‘basics’ and to assess the new ethos of ‘diversity’, which has emerged in recent years as ‘other feminists have begun to make our presence felt within feminism.     

Histoire/histoires: special issue in honour of claire duchen

Claire Duchen died on 15 March 2000 after a long and very brave struggle with ovarian cancer. She died aged 45, but already with an established reputation as a leading scholar of French feminism. As Siân Reynolds wrote in her obituary for The Guardian newspaper, Claire was central to a global network of feminist scholars as a writer, translator, research coordinator, and for over 10 years, from 1987–1997, regional editor for Africa and Europe of Women's Studies International Forum. Her particular areas of specialism, in which she published widely were French Studies, especially French feminisms on which she published two well-known books, Women's Studies, and contemporary French and European Women's History, on which she published her last book this year.² She was respected as a scholar and valued as a colleague and a friend by many women and men around the world.     

The lost generation of french feminists? anti-fascist women in the 1930S

This article examines the “lost generation” from French feminism, women who were young in the 1930s and 1940s. It takes a sample of 44 women active in anti-fascist politics in the 1930s, whose life histories are known from the Maitron biographical dictionary, and surveys their backgrounds and circumstances, concluding that this generation had assimilated feminist demands while explicitly giving priority to anti-fascist politics over issues such as the right to vote.     

Depoliticising the personal : A feminist slogan in feminist therapy

One of the great insights of second wave feminism was the recognition that “the personal is political.” Many feminist psychologists (both practitioners and researchers) claim a strong commitment to this slogan and attempt to implement it through their theory and practice. This article explores four interpretations of “the personal is political” in feminist psychological writing. It is argued that far from achieving radical feminist goals, psychological interpretations serve: (1) to personalise the political, translating social, economic, and ecological concerns into individual psychological matters; (2) to foster revolution “from within” at the expense of political change in the outside world; (3) that insofar as it aims uncritically to “validate women's experience,” it ignores the social and political factors which shape experience; and (4) that the concept of “empowerment” depends upon a radical split between the “personal” and the “political”. In sum, it is concluded that femenist acknowledgement that the personal really is political means rejecting psychology.     

Selfless androgyny: Gregory Rose as ‘virile woman’ in Olive Schreiner's the story of an African farm

While Lyndall, the feminist heroine of Olive Schreiner's The Story of an African Farm, articulates and enacts a critique of the position of women in male-dominated society, Gregory Rose's transformation from a vain and self-centred man into a nurturing female nurse is an important part of Schreiner's feminist vision. His womanhood both complements and critiques Lyndall's ‘virility,’ allowing Schreiner to present a fictional version of her theoretical ideal of selfless androgyny.