共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 15 毫秒
1.
《Journal of common market studies》2017,55(4):832-849
Trade policy is among the EU's most significant capabilities in promoting values including human rights. Yet trade policy and the EU's values‐based foreign policy are often in tension. Scholarship on the social dimension of trade policy has emphasized the tension between values and the EU's commercial interests. Human rights and conditionality clauses have not been the focus of analysis, yet conditionality is one of the EU's most visible links between the trade agenda and its values‐based foreign policy. Analyzing the EU's decision‐making in negotiating human rights conditionality, this paper employs the EU–Singapore free trade agreement and its negotiation as an in‐depth single case study. The tension between commercial interests and values results in decision‐makers promoting incoherent interests. We argue that organizationally defined preferences and issue salience circumscribed the Parliament's impact on decision‐making, resulting in concessions on human rights conditionality with Singapore. 相似文献
2.
Michael H. Smith 《The international spectator : a quarterly journal of the Istituto affari internazionali》2018,53(1):45-56
AbstractPoliticians, diplomats and analysts commonly assume that commitment to multilateralism and liberal norms is part of the EU’s very DNA. Increasingly, however, the EU’s commitment to the liberal global order is more selective. We demonstrate the shift to a more contingent liberalism by examining the EU’s recent record in relation to four different challenges: international trade; US leadership; Russian actions in the eastern neighbourhood; and security in the Middle East. We speculate on what this may portend for the EU’s self-identity, European interests and the integrity of the prevailing global order. 相似文献
3.
《Journal of common market studies》2017,55(2):387-405
The hypothesis that six EU Member States show a common behaviour on the implementation of food safety standards on fruit and vegetables imports is examined. To do so, we analyzed food border notifications recorded by the Rapid Alert System for Food and Feed (RASFF). Path dependence and reputation effects of past border notifications were explored for the whole period 2001–13, and for sub‐periods 2001–07 and 2008–13. Negative binomial (NB) and zero‐inflated negative binomial (ZINB) distributions were used to deal with over‐dispersion and excess of zero counts. Our findings suggest that the EU cannot be considered as a single unit when non‐tariff measures are studied, although there are some signs that Member State behaviour is becoming more uniform in the most recent period. 相似文献
4.
The EU is committed to promoting human rights through its development policy. This article argues that its expansive human rights framework has led to EU‐internal and outside‐in politicization of LGBTI rights in Uganda. It views contestation as a mechanism of politicization and suggests two paths through which contestation occurs; based on the normative core or on the application of human rights conditionality. We establish these paths through a case study of politicization of LGBTI rights promotion in the Uganda–EU partnership. While member states' policies are more affected by political pressure from domestic constituents, EU institutions aim to depoliticize the issue and prioritizes diplomatic channels. Conversely, conditionality operates as a driver for contestation in beneficiary states. Whereas postcolonial studies interpret claims of universal rights as neo‐colonial intervention, our findings highlight a more nuanced applicatory contestation by rights activists. These actors insert themselves as change agents aiming to reshape the policies of international norm promoters. 相似文献
5.
Ferdi De Ville Niels Gheyle 《The international spectator : a quarterly journal of the Istituto affari internazionali》2019,54(1):16-30
ABSTRACTAlthough stalled since 2016, the negotiations on a Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) have had major unintended consequences. The TTIP led to demands from third countries to upgrade their trade relationship with the EU and to unprecedented politicisation. As second-order effects of the latter, it endangered the EU-Canada trade agreement and brought about reform of EU trade governance and amendments to EU trade policy positions. These unintended consequences occurred because of inflated expectations about and insufficient awareness of the different nature of TTIP with regard to scope and partner compared to other trade negotiations. In the meantime, EU trade policy has adapted to the new politics of trade, making unintended consequences less likely. 相似文献
6.
Thomas Jacobs Niels Gheyle Ferdi De Ville Jan Orbie 《Journal of common market studies》2023,61(1):3-19
The outbreak of COVID-19 in March 2020 led to substantial upheaval in the EU's trade policy. Over the course of a year, EU Trade Policy as a field witnessed the launch of hitherto unthinkable ideas; the proliferation of a range of new buzzwords such as resilience, autonomy, and reshoring; and ultimately the arrival of a new consensus in the Trade Policy Review of February 2021. This article uses a discourse-theoretical approach (PDT) to retrace the political process that unfolded throughout this year, from the start of the COVID-19 crisis, to a fundamental dislocation of EU trade politics, and ultimately to the consolidation of a partial, temporary, and frail new hegemony within the policy field. Our goal is to explain the trajectory and the dynamics of this process by studying the discourses, the framings, and the political strategies that comprised the hegemonic struggle underlying it. 相似文献
7.
Roberto Alibonï 《The international spectator : a quarterly journal of the Istituto affari internazionali》2013,48(1):81-90
The European Union has low expectations for the international climate regime after 2012, when the Kyoto Protocol effectively expires. The United States is not thought likely to sign up to new binding international commitments, whereas EU countries have experienced unexpected difficulties in implementing existing commitments. As a consequence, the European Union may be prepared to settle for a surprisingly weak follow-up to the Kyoto Protocol. At the same time, the European Union will pursue bilateral and regional climate agreements with like-minded countries, parallel to the UN framework and possibly independently of it. Collectively, such agreements could produce an international climate regime that is more robust than what could be agreed at the consensus-based UN level. Nevertheless, the European Union will continue to support the UN process as the only legitimate forum for international negotiations on climate change. 相似文献
8.
Examining (de-)politicization as an actor-driven phenomenon, this study asks: How and to what extent do actors in the public sphere attempt to (de-)politicize European Union (EU) policies? (De-)politicization is understood not only as a process but also as the deliberate framing of debates over EU issues at a domestic level. This paper conceptualizes (de-)politicization acts in the public sphere and shows how these can be detected empirically through a claim-level (de-)politicization index. This approach is applied to a database of evaluations (claims) on EU trade, by EU actors, national executive actors and societal actors, surrounding the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership and the Comprehensive Economic Trade Agreement, in the media of six Member States (Germany, France, Spain, Italy, Poland, and Denmark). Whilst all kinds of actors may engage in (de-)politicization, the analysis of the index allows us to determine if a certain category of actors does so to a greater or lesser extent compared with others. 相似文献
9.
Recent rise of populist parties has brought about more contestation over development policy. There is also increasing diversity within the European Union: some countries allocate more development aid while the contributions of newer member states are on average smaller. But do such national interests surface more often than in other issue areas, and what is the structure of contestation over development policy in the European Parliament (EP)? Examining roll‐call votes and the processing of the 2017 European Consensus on Development, this article shows that opposition to development policy is restricted to the more Eurosceptical representatives. EP party groups attain similar levels of cohesion in votes on development aid as in other policy areas, with coalition patterns following the left–right dimension. Development policy is thus ‘business as usual’ in the Parliament, but the results suggest increasing politicization of aid through stronger horizontal linkages between immigration, security, and development policy. 相似文献
10.
Ferruccio Pastore Giulia Henry 《The international spectator : a quarterly journal of the Istituto affari internazionali》2016,51(1):44-57
Since 2013, the European migration and asylum regime has entered a phase of crisis, which reveals the deep interdependencies between its different components (including intra-EU mobility) and the unbalanced nature of its normative foundations. This original structural fragility had not fundamentally compromised the overall functioning of the regime until two major exogenous factors (the economic crisis, with its asymmetrical impact on the eurozone, and the wave of political instability and conflicts on the southern shore of the Mediterranean) brought its intrinsic limits to the point of rupture. The ongoing, highly contentious process of reform of the European migration and asylum regime is an unprecedented and crucially important test of the capacity of one the European Union’s key sectors to evolve under pressure and to adapt to a rapidly and deeply changing geopolitical, economic and demographic environment. 相似文献
11.
Dirk Peters 《European Security》2014,23(4):388-408
The democratic foundations of European integration in the foreign and defence realm are increasingly being debated. This article looks at the question of democratic legitimacy from one particular angle, by examining public opinion as measured in Eurobarometer surveys between 1989 and 2009. Based on reflections about the relation between polling results and wider questions of democracy, it examines three aspects of public opinion: general support for a common foreign and a common defence policy; differences among support rates in EU member states; and what roles Europeans would prefer for European armed forces. It turns out that general support for a common foreign policy is high, whereas the desirability of a common defence policy is much more contested. Moreover, citizens across Europe would prefer European armed forces to take on traditional tasks, as territorial defence. An EU defence policy that goes beyond strict intergovernmentalism and is directed towards protecting international law and universal human rights would thus require a significant communicative effort to become accepted. 相似文献
12.
Sophie Jacquot 《Journal of common market studies》2020,58(3):545-561
The European Equality Law Network (EELN) was founded in 2014. It resulted from the merger of two gender equality and non-discrimination expert groups. The creation of the EELN may appear as a simple decision made to rationalize the landscape of EU expert groups. The objective of this article is to show that this merger indicates there have been important transformations in the role of expert groups and legal expertise in the field of EU equality policy. This seemingly small decision participates in a larger process of change. The legal experts and the Commission are no longer partners who are developing equality policy together: members of the EELN are seen merely as service providers. The article isolates three main explanations for this: the roles of the policy sector, the regulatory and enforcement politics of the Commission and policy instruments in the framework of the Commission's managerial turn during the 2010s. 相似文献
13.
《Journal of common market studies》2017,55(6):1432-1448
Drawing on the literature on the market and normative power of the EU, we document and explain the limited success of the EU in transferring its environmental standards with respect to sustainable biofuels governance to the world's two largest biofuels producers – the US and Brazil – and to two international standard setting organizations, the International Organization for Standardization (ISO) and the Global Bioenergy Partnership (GBEP). Our explanation highlights four factors: first, the extent to which EU strategies to strengthen its market power can undermine its normative power; second, the limits to EU policy influence posed by other actors' use of their own market and normative power resources; third, the diminished influence of a late policy‐mover; and fourth, the difficulty of establishing normative leadership in a policy field subject to epistemic contestation. 相似文献
14.
《Journal of common market studies》2017,55(5):993-1008
This article introduces a new approach to the study of EU mediation and conflict resolution. It argues that researchers have not fully accounted for the changes underway in the Union's take on mediation. By elucidating the differences between this approach and the already existing literature on EU mediation, the article advocates a practice turn and develops a framework for studying EU mediation as an assemblage of practices. It builds on Latourian assemblage thinking and complements it with the Foucauldian notion of political rationality and techne. This approach is then explored through examining the practices of EU mediation support in Myanmar, which draws attention to the contradictions and a specific set of knowledge claims on peace and conflict, and traces dissident voices and how they inform the use of mediation instruments. In so doing, it demonstrates how a practice‐oriented approach allows us to provide new insights into EU external action. 相似文献
15.
印度独立后十分重视发展与欧洲国家的关系。上世纪90年代后,双方的关系得到了极大的提升,建立了一系列的合作机制,如印欧首脑会议和印欧工商高峰会议等,在第五届印欧首脑会议上,双方还确立了建立战略性伙伴关系的目标。目前,欧盟是印度最大的贸易伙伴,2004年,印度和欧盟双边贸易额达到了历史性的332亿欧元。虽然双方的合作仍有不少的制约因素,但双方的合作前景相当广阔。 相似文献
16.
《Journal of common market studies》2017,55(3):593-610
How are policy competences allocated between different actors? This article contributes to the literature on institutional development through an in‐depth case‐study of the conditions under which the competence over the negotiation of agreements on foreign direct investment (FDI) was transferred from the national level to the European Union (EU) in the 2009 Lisbon Treaty. Most analysts assume that this competence shift was a rationally designed delegation, intended to maximize European bargaining power in international investment negotiations and conceived as an important element of a teleological drive to make the EU a meaningful external actor. This article tells a different story – one where the competence shift happened by stealth as a result of a combination of neo‐functionalist Commission entrepreneurship and historical accident, against the preferences of the Member States. The article also assesses whether the conditions under which the competence was transferred have implications for the implementation of the new policy. 相似文献
17.
《Journal of common market studies》2018,56(6):1362-1375
Considering EU democracy promotion as an integral part of EU foreign policy, this article discusses the link between the EU's democratization discourse and the social construction of European identity. The narrative pays particular attention to whether the difference in power between the EU and less democratic countries affects European identity formation. The empirical explorations deliver the theoretical argument that the EU establishes an aporetic – contrasting but at the same time constitutive – relationship between a democratic European self and what the EU perceives as less democratic others. The difference in power between these two affects the content and intensity of the EU's democratization discourse, while there is no firm evidence that it directly impacts the process of aporetic identification. The discussion closes with suggestions for future research. 相似文献
18.
《Journal of common market studies》2018,56(3):489-503
Among the factors highlighted by the literature as crucial for the success of cohesion policies in generating satisfaction among citizens, and therefore in acting positively on the constitution of an European identity, this paper emphasizes a particular one, territorial identity. Elaborating on the definition of territorial identity as a local condition in which private interests coincide with public ones, the paper claims that territorial identity plays an important role in a European identity‐building process. In fact, by increasing the probability that local public expenditures match private interests, territorial identity generates a favourable context where the critical factors that hamper the successful programming, design and implementation of cohesion policies can be overcome. 相似文献
19.
Natasja Reslow 《The international spectator : a quarterly journal of the Istituto affari internazionali》2019,54(1):31-44
ABSTRACTUnintended consequences arising from EU external migration policy are a result of the multi-actor nature of this policy and of policy interactions. In addition, scholars face serious methodological challenges in establishing what the EU’s ‘intent’ is in external migration policy and, therefore, in determining which consequences are intended and which are unintended. The literature on the implementation and evaluation of EU external migration policy is in its infancy, and future work should take into account all policy outcomes – both those that were intended and those that were not. 相似文献
20.
Kateryna Pishchikova Elisa Piras 《The international spectator : a quarterly journal of the Istituto affari internazionali》2017,52(3):103-120
Some dismiss the recent EU Global Strategy as a “triumph of hope over experience”, an impracticable and therefore ultimately irrelevant statement; others are enthusiastic about what they see as perseverance and renewed ambition in the face of the present crisis. Although the 2016 Strategy appears more modest than its 2003 predecessor in operational terms, the range of deliberations that fed into it and the quality of the document itself demonstrate a greater maturity of reflection on foreign policy. A critical reading of the document shows that concepts such as normative power and differentiated inclusion of neighbours in the EU’s system of governance have all but disappeared. The emerging EU identity appears to be debilitated by the centrifugal processes of internal contestation and a drastically downsized claim for external power projection. An alternative plan for action will have to deal with the Union’s vulnerabilities and carve out a role that is distinct, yet in line with this new self-understanding. 相似文献