首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
相似文献
 共查询到11条相似文献,搜索用时 0 毫秒
1.
冷战结束后,北约在不断扩大的同时,多次提出“战略新概念”,追求地域扩张和功能深化,寻求在两个维度上实现发展与转型。自2002年布拉格峰会上首次将合作保障网络空间安全列入北约政治议程以来,网络空间安全已经成为北约功能拓展的一个主要方向。网络安全战略基于北约对网络攻击破坏力和网络空间公共性的考虑,已经形成较为完整的政策网络,然而由于各国对未来形势判断不一,这一战略尚未完全定型。理解和分析北约网络安全战略需要理清虚与实、公与私、攻与防、近与远四组关系——它们分别涉及北约确立网络安全战略的原因、战略发展过程中面临的主要挑战、战略未来的发展方向和战略的总体特点,贯穿了北约网络战略发展的始终。作为北约核心成员,美国在北约打造网络战略的整个过程中将扮演关键角色。正因如此,网络安全作为美国与欧洲共同关注的前沿问题,也将为掌握美欧关系动态打开一扇窗口。及时了解北约这一战略及发展方向,对于中国认识北约、理解跨大西洋(美欧)关系、制定本国网络战略和维护网络安全都应有所启示。  相似文献   

2.
随着网络空间的迅速扩张及其对社会各领域的全面渗透,网络空间不断增长的财富、战略价值以及世界经济社会运行对网络空间的深度依赖,使网络空间整体安全问题的重要性日益凸显,网络安全已成为国际社会面临的又一全球性公共问题。网络安全问题虽然属于国家安全范畴内的非传统安全领域,但国家对于安全的偏好没有改变,对安全追求的逻辑路径依旧。从理论的角度看,由于体系压力以及国家对于安全的追求,国家会选择制衡的战略,但在现实中,制衡经常缺位或迟到。受到非传统安全环境影响,地缘战略中分而治之、领土补偿、加强军备、联盟以及平衡手的存在等制衡方式和作用、意义同时发生了变化。细分到网络安全领域,沟通机制的不同、威慑效果不同、行为体的多样、行为判断的困难等特殊性,导致在网络安全领域,国家选择追随或合作将成为更优选择。  相似文献   

3.
    
This article uses data from the Eritrean war for independence to refine existing theories of rebel fragmentation. The author argues organizational performance affects the emergence of factional infighting within rebel organizations in unique and novel ways. While battlefield losses increase the likelihood of internal fragmentation, so do battlefield gains. The implication is battlefield stalemates possess unique properties that promote organizational cohesion in war, a relationship this study refers to as “cohesive stalemates.” The article extends an emerging literature on the internal politics of insurgent groups that has linked the coherence of rebel organizations to rebel losses.  相似文献   

4.
网络空间正在成为信息化时代美国全球战略竞争的主要领域之一。为适应迅速扩张、充满不确定性的网络环境,美国将传统威慑理念引入网络安全战略领域,以网络威慑作为其追求安全利益、扩大竞争优势、重塑国际霸权的重要手段。美国的网络威慑战略不断调整,先后经历了被动应对、主动防御、攻势主导和立体威慑四个阶段,在网络霸权追求的驱使下呈现出威慑态势日益强化、威慑体系不断完善、攻防兼备且偏重实战等趋势。美国的网络威慑战略强化受到多种内外动因的影响,是安全—利益考量、权力—政治诉求、思想—文化根源以及社会—经济因素等变量叠加作用的结果。美国企图超越传统的战略逻辑,但其战略制定与实施并未单纯地停留在“安全”层面上,而是在激进特征的推动下进行战略的演化发展,其安全思维背后的霸权实质形成了一种战略悖论,不仅造成美国的内在逻辑困境,还将导致攻防相悖的脆弱安全环境并动摇国家间的战略平衡。  相似文献   

5.
特朗普第二任期对华竞争战略及中美关系未来走向备受学界瞩目。在冷战后的经济全球化进程中美国制造业逐步空心化,工人阶级陷入困境,白人倍感身份焦虑,对外贸易逆差加剧,霸权体系被搭便车,因此从2016年以来,以反全球化、反自由贸易、排外反移民和民粹主义为特征的特朗普主义在美国政治中迅速崛起。特朗普主义认为美国精神被遗忘,美国陷入严重衰落,为此要让美利坚民族伟大复兴,极大地重塑和重构了美国国内政治和对外政策,也对国际关系格局带来巨大冲击。这是理解特朗普第二任期对华竞争战略根本逻辑及其内在限度的背景。“特朗普2.0版”将以关税作为“再平衡”中美贸易关系的政策工具,推动取消中国最惠国待遇,全方位对华安全竞争,既寻求中美合作共同打击毒品犯罪,也将在事关中国核心利益问题上对华韧性博弈,中美地缘竞争将升级到新的水平。美国对华关税战得不偿失,地缘竞争升级将削弱国际秩序稳定性,对华极限施压增加地缘冲突风险,泛安全化将波及中美人文交流领域。中国要坚持“抛弃幻想、做好准备、争取最好、不怕最差”的原则应对“特朗普2.0版”的冲击,争取战略主动,作为负责任大国筹划引领塑造新时代可持续的中美双边关系。  相似文献   

6.
波涛汹涌的信息技术革命和信息网络化浪潮在给人类带来良好机遇的同时,也带来了日趋激烈的信息战。信息战对信息安全的威胁和挑战越来越严重,对人类社会的冲击越来越广泛、越来越深刻,迫使人们研究应对战略和策略。俄罗斯在依据国情的情况下,实施了“综合型”信息安全战略,强调“以维护信息安全为重点,维护国家的综合安全”,并为此采取了种种措施,例如:提出第六代战争论、打击网络黑客、治理垃圾邮件等,以保证本国的信息安全。  相似文献   

7.
波涛汹涌的信息技术革命和信息网络化浪潮在给人类带来良好机遇的同时,也带来了日趋激烈的信息战。信息战对信息安全的威胁和挑战越来越严重,对人类社会的冲击越来越广泛、越来越深刻,迫使人们研究应对战略和策略。日本在依据国情的情况下,实施了“保障型”信息安全战略,强调“信息安全保障是日本综合保障体系的核心”,并为此做出了种种措施,例如:颁布新战略计划、成立信息安全机构、打击网络黑客、治理垃圾邮件等,以保证本国的信息安全。  相似文献   

8.
在信息化时代,网络空间承载着国家政治、经济、文化和军事发展与安全的重荷。网络空间存在的黑客攻击、网络犯罪和网络恐怖主义事件层出不穷,因此网络空间安全已上升到国家安全战略的层面,美国政府于2011年5月16日发布的《网络空间国际战略》引起世界各国瞩目。美国《网络空间国际战略》以"共同创造繁荣、安全、开放的网络世界"为基本宗旨,以"基本自由、隐私和信息流动自由"为核心原则,从经济、网络安全、司法、军事、网络管理、国际发展、网络自由等诸方面为美国未来网络安全战略的发展指明了方向。《网络空间国际战略》的出台表明美国政府已将网络安全提升到国际战略的新高度,它隐含着美国谋求网络空间霸权的战略目标,具有引领国际战略新变革和引发网络空间价值观冲突的现实战略效能,它对中美关系的影响和中国的应对之策也是值得认真分析和思考的。  相似文献   

9.
    
This article assesses the scope and nature of the current terrorist threat to the United States and suggests a strategy to counter it. Al-Qaeda continues to pose the most serious terrorist threat to the U.S. today. If the September 11, 2001 attacks have taught us anything, it is that al-Qaeda is most dangerous when it has a sanctuary or safe haven from which to plan and plot attacks. Al-Qaeda has acquired such a sanctuary in Pakistan's Federal Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) and its North-West Frontier Province (NWFP) and surrounding environs. Accordingly, the highest priority for the new American presidential administration must be to refocus our—and our allies'—attention on Afghanistan and Pakistan, where al-Qaeda began to collapse after 2001, but has now re-grouped. This will entail understanding that al-Qaeda and its local militant jihadi allies cannot be defeated by military means alone. Success will require a dual strategy of systematically destroying and weakening enemy capabilities—that is, continuing to kill and capture al-Qaeda commanders and operatives—along with breaking the cycle of terrorist recruitment among radicalized “bunches of guys” as well as more effectively countering al-Qaeda's effective information operations. The U.S. thus requires a strategy that harnesses the overwhelming kinetic force of the American military as part of a comprehensive vision to transform other, non-kinetic instruments of national power in order to deal more effectively with irregular and unconventional threats. This article first discusses the scope and details of the terrorist threat today and then proposes a counterterrorism strategy for the new presidential administration. It focuses first on creating a micro approach to address the deteriorating situation in both Afghanistan and Pakistan. It then considers the requirements of a broader macro strategy to counter terrorism and insurgency.  相似文献   

10.
    
Candidates in many elections spend a significant amount of their budget on posters, yet we know virtually nothing about their communication roles. Based on party strategy and visual communication research, this article argues that poster content is the result of strategic choices by candidates, with major and niche candidates using significantly different poster designs in an effort to influence voters' evaluations. Using an original database of 256 candidate posters from the 2007 French legislative elections and content analysis computer software, I show that niche party candidates consistently emphasize partisan and factual information cues (through size and placement on posters), while major party candidates rely heavily on candidate-oriented visuals and on nonverbal cues (e.g., eye contact) to persuade voters. Preliminary analyses indicate that poster visual design strategies are significantly associated with both major and niche party candidates' electoral performance.  相似文献   

11.
    

Citizens in democracies are expected to make better decisions if they understand policy tradeoffs. However, politicians rarely have incentives to communicate them; citizens are uncomfortable choosing among valued outcomes; and devising a common metric is difficult. It is not surprising that in the United States the environment provides relatively little cuing or priming of tradeoffs in television news. Russian citizens, on the other hand, face a media environment in which tradeoff cuing is intentionally suppressed by owners' agendas, yet viewers detect concealed tradeoffs even in the absence of tradeoff priming and viewpoint diversity. Analysis of discourse among ordinary Russians in 16 focus groups convened in four cities, differentiated by political reform and media market environments, showed that when watching news in which tradeoffs are thoroughly concealed, viewers challenge stories by offering a broad spectrum of uncued tradeoffs. Tradeoffs come from diverse policy domains and represent a range of cognitive strategies, some of which are considerably more abstract than others and link elements of their observations and assumptions (together with what they can extract from the stories) into complex reasoning outcomes.  相似文献   

设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号