News media,threats and insecurities: an ethnographic approach

This article presents research from a three-year study of shifting understandings of threat and security in Britain following the 2003 Iraq War. We develop the case for a more integrated and nuanced approach to studying the relationship between policymakers, media practitioners and media publics given the increasing importance of these relationships to international relations (IR) matters of concern. Our analysis demonstrates the ‘push’ and ‘pull’ factors that explain why certain individuals and groups arrive at certain understandings or perceptions of threats. Responding to recent calls in IR for the use of diverse and interdisciplinary methods, our methodology enables us to demonstrate how disparities emerge between official and public understandings of threats. These understandings result from people's engagement with political and media discourses, and the experience of this engagement can be characterized by connectivity, (un)certainty and contradiction.     

Maritime security in the United States: Latent threats and latent vulnerabilities

Americans and their government are seemingly unconcerned about the possibility that maritime facilities and personnel might be at risk to armed violence. Not only are current maritime security efforts minimal, they feature a curious dichotomy: one thrust is directed toward occasional acts of terrorism, the other toward coastal defense in wartime. Despite a manifestly more interactive world marked by the ready availability of powerful, mobile weapons, no serious efforts have been directed toward protecting maritime facilities and personnel in the United States against special operations or unconventional warfare. This indifference reflects the prevalence of the Clausewitzian paradigm in America's attitude toward war and the country's historical experience with coastal defense in the wars of this century. The fragmented structure of civil and military protection available to protect ports and other facilities suggests that protection could not be quickly upgraded in the face of a rapidly‐developing threat.     

Facing up to Different Perceptions of History

the controversy in Japan over the right or wrong of Abe＇s Shrine visit, as well as the appreciation of and perplexity over the righteous anger in China, the ROK, and the international community against the event, reveal the perceptions of history and diplomatic considerations behind it. Back in August 2006, a Yomiuri survey of popular attitudes towards the similar actions of the then Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi （2001-2006）,     

印中关系：认知与前景

崛起中的印度和中国之间的相互认知和政策已成为世界范围公开辩论的焦点。人们普遍认为印中两国注定会成为国际体系的两大支柱，两国关系的未来走向将会对亚洲地区乃至整个世界产生重要影响。这种辩论除了带来有限的可见性，只会使印中之间原本就盘根错节的关系更为复杂。事实上，印中两国也在不断地增强相互理解，这对于两国关系的发展是十分有益的。     

国际社会对21世纪海上丝绸之路的认知——以印度和东盟为例

建设21世纪海上丝绸之路是中国在新形势下进一步深化国内改革、谋求外部和平发展的大战略,迅速引起了国际社会特别是印度和东盟的深切关注。对此,印度小心谨慎终未加入,东盟在支持之下亦存担忧。在美国"亚太再平衡"战略压力下,印度和东盟对21世纪海上丝绸之路的认知显得尤为重要。积极处理好中国与印度、东盟各国的关系,增强互信,是推进21世纪海上丝绸之路建设顺利实施的重要保证。     

Security threats and institutional response. The European context

This paper will explore the perceptions of security threats (identification of types and likelihood of occurrence) and institutional response (degree of institutional suitability according to type of threat) that prevails in the European context. It will compare how the main security institutions (NATO, EU and OSCE) respond to different type of security threats. This will be done through the aid of a number of security governance functions (conflict prevention, peace-enforcement, peace-keeping and peace-building). A main objective of the paper will be to examine which of the three is deemed most relevant in dealing with specific types of threats.     

Democracy promotion and the challenges of illiberal regional powers: introduction to the special issue

This special issue examines Western efforts at democracy promotion, reactions by illiberal challengers and regional powers, and political and societal conditions in target states. We argue that Western powers are not unequivocally committed to the promotion of democracy and human rights, while non-democratic regional powers cannot simply be described as “autocracy supporters”. This article introduces the special issue. First, illiberal regional powers are likely to respond to Western efforts at democracy promotion in third countries if they perceive challenges to their geostrategic interests in the region or to the survival of their regime. Second, Western democracy promoters react to countervailing policies by illiberal regimes if they prioritize democracy and human rights goals over stability and security goals which depends in turn on their perception of the situation in the target countries and their overall relationships to the non-democratic regional powers. Third, the effects on the ground mostly depend on the domestic configuration of forces. Western democracy promoters are likely to empower liberal groups in the target countries, while countervailing efforts by non-democratic regional powers will empower illiberal groups. In some cases, though, countervailing efforts by illiberal regimes have the counterintuitive effect of fostering democracy by strengthening democratic elites and civil society.     

牛海绵状脑病及其检测技术

牛海绵状脑病(Bovinespongiformen cephalopathy ,BSE)又称疯牛病,是成年牛的一种由非常规致病因子引起的进行性、神经性、致死性疾病。该病的主要特征是牛脑发生海绵状病变,并伴随大脑功能退化。临床表现为神经质、运动失调、痴呆和死亡[1] 。能够表现这种症状的疾病还有羊的痒病(Scrapie)、人的库鲁氏病和克雅氏病(CJD)等。自1986年英国发现首例BSE病牛以来,全世界已有15个国家先后发生该病,使发病国养牛业遭受了沉重的打击。近年来研究证明BSE和人CJD有密切关系,BSE是人类新变异型克雅氏病(nvCJD)的病因,是由于人类食用BSE病…     

Northern NGO advocacy: Perceptions,reality, and the challenge

This article reports the results of and conclusions from a survey of Northern NGOs conducted during 1998 and 1999 for the purposes of testing generalised criticisms of Northern NGO advocacy and providing benchmarks for further research on the policy impact of the Washington Advocacy office of Oxfam International. Based on the survey findings, the author challenges Northern NGOs to evaluate more thoroughly their advocacy so that they may effectively demonstrate their advocacy achievements and, by so doing, confidently invest a greater proportion of resources into advocacy programmes which effectively contribute to their goals of reducing poverty.     

中巴战略合作伙伴关系：相互认知、特点及发展前景

中巴建交60年来,经过双方政府和人民的共同努力,两国成为和谐相处的好邻居、相互支持的好朋友、互利合作的好伙伴和患难与共的好兄弟。中巴战略合作伙伴关系具有战略性、全面性、稳定性和持久性的特点,建立在共同利益和深厚民意的基础上,因而有着广阔的发展前景。     

The post-Lisbon high representatives: an introduction

ABSTRACT

The Lisbon Treaty recently celebrated its 10th anniversary. The 2009 legal text was an attempt to enhance the unity, consistency and effectiveness of the EU’s action in an increasingly volatile world. And yet, the post-Lisbon time period has been characterised by multiple crises coming from the West, the East, the South, and even from within the EU. Against this backdrop, our Special Issue makes a systematic assessment of the EU's foreign policy post-Lisbon and of its evolution by focusing on the role of the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy (HR/VP). Assessing the post-Lisbon HR/VPs provides important insights on EU foreign policy processes over the past decade. In this introduction, we discuss the three research questions that guide our collection of articles, as well as our theoretical and empirical contribution to existing scholarly literature.