Judicial Independence, Judicial Promotion and the Enforcement of Legislative Wealth Transfers—An Empirical Study of the New Zealand High Court

This paper investigates the Landes-Posner thesis on judicial independence using data on public law decisions in which the government was the defendant decided in the New Zealand High Court over the period 1958–2001. We use survival analysis to examine whether successive New Zealand governments have promoted judges from the High Court to the Court of Appeal (which stands above the High Court) on the basis of political considerations, the quality of the judge's decision-making or both. Our findings suggest that the quality of decision-making has generally been important. Consistent with the weak form of the Landes-Posner hypothesis we find no evidence that governments have used their powers to punish judges who decided cases against them. On the contrary, we find some support for the strong form of the Landes-Posner thesis that governments positively use their powers to secure judicial independence.     

III. Assessment,Referral and Treatment

Each court must have access to a complete range of services for effective screening, identification, assessment, evaluation, treatment, and rehabilitation. Such services may be developed within the court operation or in cooperation with related agencies or through contracted service providers. Many jurisdictions will use a combination of these basic approaches for provision of services. However they are organized, the key is that they must be in place and consistently used.     

Aggressive/intrusive behaviours,harassment and stalking of members of the United Kingdom parliament: a prevalence study and cross-national comparison

Politicians suffer intrusive and aggressive behaviours from members of the public, often lone actors fixated on personal grievances. Few explorations of intrusive behaviours towards politicians have been published; their results are not directly comparable. We surveyed intrusive/aggressive behaviours towards UK members of parliament (MPs); our survey instrument was then administered to MPs at three other parliaments (Queensland, New Zealand, and Norway), providing a cross-national, four-site comparison. 239 MPs completed the UK survey. This 38% response rate produced prevalence rates remarkably similar to the other sites, New Zealand having an 84% response rate. 81% of UK MPs had experienced one or more of the 12 behaviours specified, the mean being five. 18% had been subject to attack/attempted attack, 42% to threats to harm and 22% to property damage. In 53% of respondents, experiences met definitions of stalking or harassment. This has implications for the provision of risk assessment and management.     

Trade secrets versus Cost Benefit Analysis

We argue that administrative agencies should base their decisions on Cost Benefit Analysis (CBA) for two reasons: first the well known ex ante effect that CBA make public decisions more rational and second the little discussed ex post effect that the agency’s CBA provides valuable information to judicial or political bodies controlling the agency. The ex post purpose of CBA implies (judicial review of administrative decisions) or requires (political review) the public availability of the CBA. A conflict between this public availability and the protection of trade secrets arises, if the costs or benefits of a decision depend on information which are trade secrets. As a solution to this conflict, we propose a nonpublic in camera court procedure which leaves little discretion to the agency.     

Assessment and Treatment

Assessment of all who are referred to court jurisdiction, and treatment for all who are identified to be seriously involved with substance abuse, are essential components for courts when addressing the substance abuse issue. Each court must have access to a complete range of services for effective screening, identification, assessment, evaluation, treatment, and rehabilitation. Such services may be developed within the court operation or in cooperation with related agencies or through contracted service providers. Many jurisdictions will use a combination of these basic approaches for provision of services. However they are organized, the key is that they must be in place and consistently used.     

Government‐operated public broadcast stations and candidates' access to political debates

Under the Communications Act's equal opportunity requirement and FCC interpretations of that provision, licensees can choose which political candidates to include in a broadcast debate. However, a 1994 decision by a federal appellate court has clouded the ability of public broadcast stations licensed to government entities to exclude particular candidates. According to the court, such stations, as a form of state action, generate a limited First Amendment right on the part of candidates to demand inclusion in a broadcast debate. This article examines the unique constitutional questions raised by the court's decision. An assessment of the competing rights and interests of candidates, stations licensed to government entities and the public indicates that such stations should provide access to political debates.     

Local Processes of National Corruption: Elite Linkages and Their Effects on Poor People in India

This paper provides a bottom–up view of national corruption in India and presents a framework of corruption involving three actors: bureaucrat, politician and legitimate claimant. The paper then focuses on the public service provision of social security in an Indian village and the role of elites in perpetuating the corrupt practices to access this public provision. This study is based on an extensive fieldwork and uses network data. First, I show that the political elite bridges the ‘structural hole’ between the institutions of state and society, have the advantage of information, referrals and are the main beneficiary of local corrupt practices. Second, factional politics is carried out through the use of corruption and it results in exclusion of the poor persons from the welfare rights to which they are entitled. The paper also explores how the local processes of corruption interact with state-level processes and shows how protest against corruption is silenced.     

Herceptin, Pharmac and the New Zealand District Health Boards: keeping abreast of the Code of Health and Disability Services Consumers' Rights?

In an era of resource limitations, the problem of matching public expectations with health care provision will always be difficult. In New Zealand there has been recent debate surrounding the potential funding by the Pharmaceutical Management Agency (PHARMAC) of an expensive chemotherapy agent called Herceptin (trastuzumab). Taking the proposed funding options in turn, this article looks at the obligations PHARMAC and the New Zealand District Health Boards might then be subject to with respect to the legislation and the Code of Health and Disability Services Consumers' Rights, and the impact this might have on a health system already subject to resource constraints.     

Covenanting for Nature: A Comparative Study of the Utility and Potential of Conservation Covenants

Conservation covenants over private land are extensively used in some jurisdictions to secure a wide range of public benefits: in some cases primarily to promote nature conservation, while elsewhere to foster conservation alongside greater public access to ‘green’ space. This article considers the use of conservation covenants in New Zealand, Scotland, and England and Wales. It argues that they can play a unique role in balancing nature conservation, property rights and increased public access to private land. It reviews proposals for new legislation in England and Wales and argues that, if it is to be successful, the potential of conservation covenants to secure greater public access to private land should be more strongly emphasised. Their successful use in New Zealand shows that, while recognising the important balancing function that they can perform, this emphasis is critically important if covenants are to fulfil their potential to ‘reconnect’ people and nature.     

“Behave Like Enraged Lions”: Civil Militias,the Army and the Criminalisation of Politics in Indonesia

Since the end of the authoritarian New Order regime in May 1998, Indonesia has embarked upon a difficult journey towards democracy. One of the key questions raised by the rise of social and political violence in both Java and the Outer Islands since President Suharto's resignation from power is that of the wearing away of the state's monopoly of the means of violence and of its legitimate uses. But the process of the criminalisation of both state agencies and political parties is much older than one would have it. It begun during the late colonial period and gained momentum during the war of independence, in the late 1940s, when army units had to engage in extortion and smuggling to cater for soldiers' needs. Under the New Order, this beam of relationships between the police, the army and criminal gangs was given an official recognition of some sort, hence quasi-legal protection, through the creation of the “System for the Protection of the Environment” (Siskamling). This “system” enabled many petty criminals from the red light districts to join civil and para-military militias and even, at times, to enter public administration. Post-Suharto Indonesia inherited these criminalised “grey areas” between state agencies and the underworld, where one would find numerous masters of violence – people for whom violence is both a way of life and a way of making a living.     

Judicial Culture and the Politicolegal Opportunity Structure: Explaining Bill of Rights Legal Impact in New Zealand

This article argues that the cultural self-understandings of the judiciary can exert a profound effect on legal outcomes under a bill of rights. Utilizing the case of New Zealand, it demonstrates that confinement of expansive case law under the New Zealand Bill of Rights (NZBOR) to the criminal law and freedom of expression arenas is most significantly explained by a British-descended judicial culture that prioritizes, first, those civil liberty values already cognizable by the common law and, second, rights connected with the policing of parliamentary and legal processes. Nevertheless, judicial culture does not operate in a vacuum. Rather, the opportunity structure facing potential public interest litigants under NZBOR depends also on their politicolegal resource set including the attitude of the political branches (legislature and executive) to the claim being forwarded.     

Water as a political good: implications for investments

There is an urgent need for investments in the water sector. Still about a billion people lack access to drinking water services, and the double amount lacks proper sanitation services. To reach the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) substantial additional funding needs to be accessed. In view of the low priority given to the water sector by all prospective investors, the perspective of failure to reach the MDGs is eminent. The main argument made in this paper is that a formidable obstacle in accessing and using funds in the water sector is the omission to include explicitly the political nature of water in investment decisions. Due to its multifaceted and internally conflicting character, politics are a fact of life in the water sector. The menu of (suitable) investment options for a given locality is very much dependent on the political environment in which these water services are to be provided. While the impact of the political realm on water services is often acknowledged (most frequently in negative terms as it is seen as one of the main causes of poor performance of public utilities), few professionals really take the political environment explicitly into account when taking decisions relating to the provision of water services. In this paper it is propagated that the political dimension of water should be made explicit in an attempt to increase access and sustainability of investments in the water sector. Sound and sustainable investment in water services can only be achieved by taking into account the existing political environment in which those water services are to be delivered.     

The Royal Prerogative in the Realms

From 1840, the laws of New Zealand have comprised the common law and statute law, both of which – but especially the former – were originally based upon the laws of England and continued to draw upon English jurisprudence. Since New Zealand was regarded as a settled colony, the settlers brought with them such of the laws of England as were applicable to the circumstances of the colony. This included the royal prerogative.

Although elements of the royal prerogative are obsolete or have been subsumed in parliamentary enactments, there are a number of aspects that continue to be used by the Crown today. One is the honours prerogative. The changed nature of the Crown (and in particular its division among the realms) has, however, led to some uncertainties. In particular, there have been questions regarding the use of the royal prerogative in respect of armorial bearings, and the proper exercise and application of the Law of Arms. This has never caused serious difficulties in New Zealand – if indeed it can be said to be an issue at all – but the Canadian case of Black v Chrétien has shown that disputes over honours and dignities can arise, and can have serious political or constitutional implications.

This paper considers the introduction of the royal prerogative to the realms, and some of the implications and possible difficulties which this process may have led to.     

Competition policy: consequences of restrictive trade practices and price-fixing provisions for medical practitioners in Australia and New Zealand

Competition laws have only applied to many participants in the health care industry in Australia and New Zealand since the mid 1990s. Since then, the Australian Competition and Consumer Commission has considered a number of applications by medical practitioner associations and private hospitals to authorise potentially anti-competitive conduct, while the New Zealand Commerce Commission has successfully prosecuted a group of ophthalmologists. Amongst medical practitioners, however, there is still confusion and misunderstanding concerning the type of conduct caught by the Australian Trade Practices Act 1974 (Cth) and the New Zealand Commerce Act 1986 (NZ). This is of serious concern given the substantial penalties associated with price-fixing and restrictive trade practices. This article examines the provisions of these Acts most relevant to medical practitioners as well as a number of determinations and judicial decisions. To provide practical assistance to medical practitioners, the key lessons are extracted.     

Absolute and relative support among citizen-voters for local law enforcement agencies: Correlates with selected dimensions of political ideology

During the last twenty years numerous studies have been published regarding public support for local law enforcement agencies. These studies have typically focused on three determinants of support-the social status of the citizen, citizen fear or actual victimization of crime, and the nature or frequency of citizen-police contacts. This somewhat exploratory research evaluates the impact of political ideology upon citizen support for law enforcement agencies. The thrust of the investigation builds upon much more limited considerations of ideology in earlier studies. An assessment and comparison of support according to absolute/diffuse measures and relative/specific measures of citizen-voter support are presented. Political ideology is defined in the context of contemporary liberal-conservative perspectives and operationalized according to nominal (self-identification)and issue-oriented techniques.     

Blurred vision: How supreme court FOIA opinions on invasion of privacy have missed the target of legislative intent

The framers of the Freedom of Information Act believed that in order to make informed decisions concerning self‐rule in the democracy, citizens needed access to government information. However, the law also acknowledges the importance of protecting privacy—two of the FOIA's exemptions allow federal agencies to withhold information that would invade the privacy of individuals. The purpose of this article is to explore the legal conflict between an individual's right to privacy and the public interest in disclosure of government information. In an examination of seven United States Supreme Court decisions on this subject, this article questions whether the Court has fairly balanced the conflicting values of access and privacy within the guidelines established by Congress in the FOIA.     

In-house or in court? Legal challenges to university decisions

Every day, decisions are made in universities that affect students. When a decision adversely affects a particular student, what means of redress does that student have? The circumstances in which a student has a legal claim against their university are generally unclear. Courts have traditionally tended to draw a distinction between ‘purely academic’ decisions and disciplinary decisions. There has been reluctance on the part of courts to intervene in non-disciplinary decisions which involve academic judgment, for example, the grade to be given to a student's work. On the other hand, where the decisions are purely disciplinary, for example, in relation to a student's behaviour towards others or towards university property, the courts have made it clear that there is essentially no difference between this and disciplinary matters within any other public institution or organization. However, disciplinary decisions that are connected with allegations of academic misconduct, for example, cheating and/or plagiarism, have been more problematic for the courts. Historically, the debate was whether any such decision was justiciable in public law. Recently the question has also been whether an aggrieved student may succeed in a private law action against a university. The legal issues raised by university decisions affecting students have not yet been clearly resolved in all jurisdictions. Indeed, in some cases, judges have raised many more questions than they have answered. This article will review the framework for legal challenges to university decisions against a background of recent judicial attitudes in Australia, New Zealand, the UK and the US.     

Modeling eligibility under national systems of compensation for treatment injury

How can different schemes of compensation for treatment injury be evaluated? This article offers an empirical approach to assessment based on the simulation of alternative models of eligibility using real-world data. It draws on information about adverse events generated from a representative survey of public hospital admissions in New Zealand and classifies these under a range of eligibility criteria for different possible compensation systems. These are then evaluated according to a number of policy design considerations, using variables available from the New Zealand study.