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试析戈尔巴乔夫时期苏联的宗教政策 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
宗教问题是影响国家社会生活的一个重要因素。社会主义国家对宗教问题处理得好坏,直接影响国家的政局稳定和社会安定,甚至关系到国家的前途和命运。戈尔巴乔夫时期苏共对于宗教问题的政策是一种宽松的甚至是放任的政策,这也成为导致苏联解体的一枚隐性炸弹。 相似文献
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Michael Boyle 《Cambridge Review of International Affairs》2004,17(1):81-103
Amidst a renewed debate over the existence of an American empire, serious questions have emerged about whether the Bush foreign policy can be described as ‘realist’ given the widespread opposition that it encounters from academic realists. This paper is an attempt to shed light on this vexing issue by interpreting the Bush foreign policy through the lens of the broader religious–political tradition of America. Specifically, it argues that the neoconservatives in the Bush administration draw on the utopian strand of this tradition when setting their foreign policy agenda and justifying their decisions to the public. With special reference to Iraq, it discusses how three key utopian themes—the perfection of human life on earth, the possibility of limiting evil through conversion and the prospect of arresting human development—are reflected in the neoconservative agenda. The paper concludes with a brief discussion of how these themes run counter to the tenets of classical realism and of the ethical and political hazards that emerge from an attempt at utopian empire. 相似文献
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Meltem Müftüler-Baç 《Cambridge Review of International Affairs》2014,27(3):538-552
This article proposes that Turkey's foreign policy towards Iraq changed radically after 2007, in response to external challenges and domestic developments. The article analyses how Turkey's role in Iraq has changed on two different levels: firstly, in terms of increased activism and diplomatic engagement, and secondly, in terms of its increased economic involvement, using trade and foreign direct investment as foreign policy tools. These two different modes of engagement have transformed Turkey into a visible player in Iraq. 相似文献
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田鹏 《俄罗斯中亚东欧研究》2013,(1):1-7,95
苏联成立后,没有建立将俄语作为国家通用语言进行推广的法律框架,但在具体实践中却逐渐强化了俄语作为通用语的推广力度,并将推广俄语与构建"苏联人民"联系起来。由于没有辩证地区分语言的身份标志作用与交流作用,因而引起了一些非俄罗斯加盟共和国民族主义情绪的反弹。上述失误使原苏联语言政策未能有效发挥对国家认同应有的促进作用。 相似文献
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《国际相互影响》2012,38(4):237-254
This article is the first of a two‐part series on the development of a theoretical perspective for explaining foreign policy exchanges between nations. The first paper discusses the substantive thrust of the research, and presents an overview of the Monte Carlo computer simulation which lies at its core. The theory largely built on the body of research on events data analysis, attempts to assimilate the set of findings arising from this research into a single integrated theory. Basic assumptions of the theory derived from cybernetics and information theory are outlined, and the simulation rules used in the research are presented. These provide the basis for a later paper (to appear in Vol. 2, No. 2, 1975) that presents a formal mathematical theory which seeks to explain foreign policy exchanges. 相似文献
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Teitelbaum MS 《国际组织》1984,38(3):429-450
The author first notes that mass movements of people across international boundaries, whether voluntary or forced, are increasingly becoming topics for international concern. In particular, the late 1970s and early 1980s have seen a series of migration crises with powerful foreign policy implications. The policy consequences of these international migration movements are considered, with particular reference to U.S. policy. 相似文献
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《国际相互影响》2012,38(1):1-19
In this essay I examine the intersection of domestic and international politics in the formation and conduct of foreign policy. 1 develop a three‐actor model that allows us to specify the incentives for power sharing under different assumptions about the distribution of preferences and capabilities between a government, a domestic opposition, and a foreign state. The model generates several interesting hypotheses about the interaction of policy goals and the willingness of actors to share power. In particular, I show that under certain conditions there are important asymmetries whereby doves may be more willing to share power than hawks. Importantly, this willingness is endogenous to the model and comes from the alignment of preferences in the policy space, rather than from an a priori value for the democratization of foreign policy making. The model also suggests several hypotheses about the circumstances under which states have incentives to meddle in the foreign policy processes of other states. 相似文献
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《国际相互影响》2012,38(4):345-368
This article presents the underlying rationale for a theory of foreign policy dynamics, and is the second part of a two‐part series which specifies a theoretical perspective for explaining the exchanges between nations. The task of the first paper was to discuss the substantive thrust of the research, and to give a view of the Monte Carlo simulation which lies at its core. The theory deals with the relevance of such concepts as reciprocity, uncertainty, third party effects, bureaucratic politics and domestic events for explaining foreign policy. This article provides the axioms which structure our theory and formal theorems that follow from these axioms. 相似文献