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《法国研究》1990,(1)
Au moins depuis les merveilles révelées par Marco Polo, on peat bien dire que l′Empire du Milieu a fait rêver une vaste élite oceidentale (1). On le percoit comme le pays autre, étranger, pour ainsi dire à la nième puissance: mais cette même altérité radicale peat devenir en l′occurrence extrêmement féconde-ee qui est d′ailleurs vrai de tous lea dépaysements. 相似文献
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1998年,值巴黎大学建校八百周年之机,法国与德、意、英三国共同签署了具有历史意义的“巴黎声明”,旨在建立一个开放的高等教育空间,加强四国大学学生和教师的交流,促成大学课程和文凭的对等与协调。在确保各国文化教育差异的同时,消除障碍,促进人员流动和更加紧密的合作。“巴黎声明”的发表意味着欧洲内部教育的接轨,意味着各国教育体制的调整乃至改革。 相似文献
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Bruno Sovilla Francisco García Fernández 《Revista mexicana de ciencias políticas y sociales》2013,58(219):157-187
Throughout more than fifty years, the Cuban Revolution has been unable to implement an Economic Management System (ems) to face and overcome the traditional problems of centrally planned economies. When Cuban leaders tried to back away from the planning methods adopted in socialist countries, the economic management suffered from “voluntarism”, with invariably negative consequences. This article proposes a categorization of the economic cycle into upward phases –in which rational economic planning and organization predominate– and downward phases with a highly centralized direction of the economy. A historic-economic analysis of each phase of the cycle is presented, revealing that upward phases were characterized by good or acceptable economic outcomes, while these were poor during downward phases with a prevalence of voluntarism, unless external factors appeared. 相似文献
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Carlo Carini 《议会、议员及代表》2013,33(1):9-13
SUMMARY In this article Cristiana Senigaglia seeks to elucidate Hegel's conception of the coup d'état. This is necessary because Hegel did not systematically expound his view in this writings, notably it is not treated in his central work, Die Philosophie des Rechts. But a consistent view can be found in his historical and philosophical writings. The article suggests that Hegel did consider there were circumstances in which a use of force to change an existing political order, or lack of it, were justified. He cited the political chaos in early modern Italy, or the constitutional instabilities in France in his own time as examples where the forces of history justified illegal and forceful interventions, be they from above or below, or the intervention of the decisive historical individual, a Caesar or a Bonaparte. To be justified, in Hegel's view, such irregular actions must be consistent with the contemporary underlying forces driving the historical process: they must have the effect of creating a new, acceptable legal order to replace that which is overthrown; and in consequence must result in a new normalization. In order to be justified, and thus to succeed in the long term, the exceptional situation created by the coup must be temporary and limited. Hegel saw Robespierre and Bonaparte as examples where a justified coup was initiated, but then the will of the initiators became an obstacle to a new normalization. 相似文献
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《Revista mexicana de ciencias políticas y sociales》2014,59(221):267-289
This article aims to outline and explain the development of twenty years of politics of memory in a city in Argentina. The configuration of institutions and social actors, the scope and limitations of their practices are described in order to understand the current timing of the trials of repressors of the last military dictatorship (1976–1983). In turn, the processes around the demand for justice and its impact on the city of La Plata, capital of the province of Buenos Aires, are analyzed, from the perspective of the so-called time of “outbreak of memory”, launched since the mid-1990s. 相似文献
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