菲律宾政治文化的发展过程及其特点

笔者在本文中以广义的政治文化的概念为基石 ,尝试性地将菲律宾的政治文化发展过程主要分成三个阶段 :早期政治文化、殖民地政治文化和独立后的政治文化。早期政治文化是菲律宾在东方文化的影响下形成的带有“个人权威”色彩的政治文化源头 ;殖民地政治文化是菲律宾在西班牙的殖民统治下 ,宗教作为一种文化现象对菲律宾政治文化的影响 ;独立后的政治文化是菲律宾在 1946年以后以政党政治为主要特点的政治文化。笔者从菲律宾的传统文化的特点出发 ,考察菲律宾政治发展过程和文化发展过程 ,总结菲律宾政治文化的特点 ,并从菲律宾现实的政治行为找出菲律宾政治文化的表现形式 ,从而为了解菲律宾政治运作方式提供一个新的视角。     

后苏哈托时期印尼政党制度的变化及其影响

在后苏哈托时期的民主政治化进程中,随着诉求议题的多元化,印尼的政党制度从一党控制下的三党制向多党制转变,伊斯兰性质的政党仍然举足轻重,而华人政党则破土而出。本文认为,政党制度的这种变化对印尼的政治和社会产生了很大的影响一是遏制了印尼专制政府的产生;二是逐渐出现了一批政治精英;三是提高了民众参政议政的民主意识。此外政党体制的软弱也造成印尼政局经常出现不稳和混乱。     

韩国政党与政党体系变迁动因初探

韩国政党体系的变迁具有鲜明的特点.自1948年制宪始,韩国政党政治的形态就呈现出宗派政治、帮派政治的特征,诸多政党在韩国政治舞台上不断出现和湮灭,韩国的政党政治未能发展到制度化的阶段.目前,韩国虽然实现了从威权统治向民主政治的转型,但由于长期受到传统思想、政治文化和南北分裂态势的影响,政党的变动依然十分频繁.本文旨在从环境因素、政治文化因素和制度因素的角度探析韩国政党与政党体系变迁的原因.     

略论90年代日本对华投资及其特点

日本是当今世界上最大的资本输出国之一,也是目前向亚洲提供资金最多的国家。80年代中后期,日本对外直接投资的重点是北美和西欧,投资于亚洲的比例不大,投资于中国的数量更为有限。但是进入90年代以后,随着日本对欧美大规模投资告一段落,随着亚洲经济、特别是东亚经济的持续高速增长及日本国家发展战略的调整,日本对外投资的重点已从欧美开始转向亚洲。日本的对华投资也随之急剧增加,出现了跳跃式发展的新局面。     

菲律宾的华侨华人研究现状及其思考

20世纪80年代中期之后,菲律宾国内的华侨华人研究进入了一个新的历史性发展时期.本文首先介绍20世纪80年代末以来菲律宾从事华侨华人研究的主要作者群与研究机构.其次,从政治认同和社会融合、华文教育与文化传承、华人经济成长、中国新移民等视角,阐述菲律宾华侨华人研究的主要领域及有代表性的成果.再次,在文献研究和实地调研的基础上,透视支撑菲律宾华侨华人研究的社会现实基础,探索促进研究重心与特点变化的深层缘由.最后,提出菲律宾华侨华人问题研究所存在的问题及其思考.     

20世纪90年代以来日本企业文化的特点及对我国的启示

20世纪90年代以来，由于受到经济领域、社会意识等新变化浪潮的巨大冲击，日本企业的经营环境发生了急剧的变化，进而导致日本企业文化的发展呈现出诸多新特点。本文首先阐述了20世纪90年代以来日本企业文化发展中呈现的四个显著特点，然后分析了我国借鉴日本企业文化的必要性，最后结合我国企业文化建设中的不足与问题，提出几点建议和启示。     

菲律宾逆向应对中国入世和CAFTA的举措及其原因探析

本文介绍菲律宾政府与商界对中国入世和CAFTA的看法,以及菲律宾政府所采取的逆向应对举措,并从菲律宾的"逆工业化"过程的特点,制造业滞后发展与中小企业惧变,菲律宾政府与商界关系的变化与互动,菲律宾政治的特点以及21世纪初期菲政府的经济外交政策等角度,作了深层次的原因探析.     

"9·11"后大国关系变化的动因、特点与前景

"9·11"事件后,大国关系显示出差等式的力量结构与复合式多边均衡结构并存的局面,一个突出现象是大国力量消长集中在亚洲的次区域层面,中亚地区已成为美国实现其国家利益最为关键的核心战略地带.半年来,大国关系中单边主义外交甚嚣尘上,但也存在着找到一条大国间平等互利、协调共进的发展合作途径的可能.     

菲律宾土地改革和粮食安全研究

菲律宾作为农业国家,经济发展落后,粮食产量供不应求。菲律宾忽视农业的制度安排导致粮食国际购买力下降,贫困率居高不下,并且一直威胁着菲律宾的粮食安全。菲律宾历届政府试图通过一系列的经济改革和土改制度安排来解决粮食危机,但效果不尽人意。本文通过对菲律宾粮食安全和土地改革的分析,发现土地改革政策的不彻底性、短期性、滞后性使政策效果大打折扣,贫困农民并没能从改革中真正获得好处。只有重视并维护农业的基础地位,彻底解决土地分配不公现象,通过全面配套改革措施,才能真正实现菲律宾粮食安全。     

德国政党体制的变迁

德国政党体制正在发生深远变革,铁杆选民对政党的传统归属感下降。社会结构的变化导致政党纷纷调整战略,政治主张更多是围绕当下具体的政策领域而非传统的政治理念,政治主张有交叉和部分趋同趋势,政党间政治结盟的流动性和不确定性增大。     

A Question of Priorities: Candidate Selection in Estonian Political Parties

This article addresses political-party organization in Estonia, especially candidate selection. Its first objective is to describe the ways in which the main parties chose their candidates before the 2011 parliamentary election. A second objective is to evaluate those procedures in light of expectations generated by established theory. The focus is on two conditions: the institutional framework, particularly the electoral system, and the relative youth of Estonian democracy. The evidence confirms these expectations only partially, which suggests that an individual party’s ideological, organizational and strategic circumstances, in addition to structural and institutional conditions, are critical to understanding why it performs this basic function as it does.     

Parties and political change in South Asia

Over the past seven decades and more political parties have become an essential feature of the political landscape of the South Asian subcontinent, serving both as a conduit and product of the tumultuous change the region has experienced. Yet they have not been the focus of sustained scholarly attention. This collection focuses on different aspects of how major parties have been agents of – and subject to – change in three South Asian states (India, Pakistan and Sri Lanka), examining some of the apparent paradoxes of politics in the subcontinent. Recurring themes are the importance of charismatic leaders and their families (and the corresponding neglect of institutionalisation) and the lack of pluralism in intraparty affairs, factors that render parties and political systems vulnerable to degeneration.     

Laissez-faire versus Strict Control of Political Finance: Hegemonic Parties and Developmental States in Malaysia and Singapore

ABSTRACT

This article compares the financing of political parties and candidates in two Southeast Asian countries. In Malaysia, some political finance regulations exist only on paper, and political financing is for the most part not restrained at all. In contrast, the financing of candidates and parties has always been tightly circumscribed in Singapore. These different strategies, “laissez-faire” versus “strict control,” are the consequence of various factors. In Malaysia, the New Economic Policy has effected a close, often economically unproductive linkage between the state, the ruling Barisan Nasional coalition, and business. The rise of businesspeople has resulted in the commercialization of competition within (the United Malays National Organisation. Additionally, increasing competition between the ruling coalition and the opposition has resulted in growing expenditures for electioneering in the form of advertisements and electoral patronage. The laissez-faire style of regulation has been compounded by the difficult-to-control practices in East Malaysia (Sabah and Sarawak), where vote buying, electoral patronage based on the largesse of oligarchs, and obvious nonobservance of the rules have been typical. In contrast to Malaysia as a whole, the costs for parties and candidates are still relatively low in Singapore. As a cadre party, the PAP (People's Action Party) is relatively autonomous from private business interests, and intraparty competition is not commercialized; the developmentalist state is highly productive, and the ties between the state, the PAP, and business are not characterized by cronyism. Moreover, electioneering is not very commercialized because the opposition is still relatively weak.     

Parties,political decay,and democratic regression in Sri Lanka

Among states that gained independence following World War II, Sri Lanka was widely considered to have a good chance of succeeding democratically. This promise was sundered when successive leaders embraced ethnocentric policies that were geared towards empowering the majority Sinhalese Buddhists at the expense of minorities. This ethnocentrism contributed to civil war and adversely affected the country's institutions – including the island's political parties. The attendant political decay has not only led to malgovernance and democratic regression, it has pushed the country in an authoritarian direction. Sri Lanka thus represents a classic case of how ethnocentrism can undermine democratic institutions and of the long-term negative consequences.     

“欧洲化”进程与中东欧国家的政党政治变迁

随着欧盟因素的介入,中东欧各国在政治经济和社会生活方面发生了许多重要变化,即出现了学界所称的欧洲化现象,中东欧国家政党也不可避免地受到了欧洲化进程的影响。作为一种超越国家层面的政治社会化过程,欧洲化促使中东欧国家的政党做出调整和改变,以适应新的定位和功能。同时,在欧洲化深入的过程中,中东欧国家的政党政治也面临着巨大的困难和挑战。     

俄罗斯政治思想的新变化——2009年俄罗斯政治形势分析

2009年俄罗斯的政局保持稳定,但政治体系现代化的改革成效不大。金融危机成为影响俄罗斯政治形势的刺激性因素。梅德韦杰夫和普京在政治思想上的差异开始显现。这种差异主要体现在政治哲学观与历史观的不同上。思想观念的不同可能导致政治路线之争。由于普京依然居于权力中心,俄罗斯政局的发展不会完全按照梅德韦杰夫的路线发展。     

Politicians without Parties and Parties without Politicians: The Foibles of the Peruvian Political Class, 2000–2006*

Since the collapse of the Fujimori regime in November 2000, the Peruvian political system has experienced considerable turbulence, which has focused attention on the capabilities and comportment of the country’s elected politicians. While some analysts hold that ‘there is no political class in Peru’, others maintain that since Fujimori’s demise a ‘resurrection’ has occurred in the fortunes of both parties and politicians who occupied centre stage during the 1980s. This article examines these claims, arguing that despite appearances to the contrary, the core of Peru’s political class operates in a rational and responsible fashion.     

论PPP模式在菲律宾基础设施建设中的应用与启示

菲律宾新政府采取一系列措施推行PPP模式在基础设施建设中的应用,本文概述了PPP模式在菲律宾基础设施建设中的进展及发展趋势,分析了菲律宾政府大力推行该模式的经济动因及PPP模式的潜在风险,并提出相应建议及对我国的启示。     

The rise and decline of the new party: Ideology, resources and the political opportunity structure

This paper analyses the growth and decline of Taiwan's first significant third party, the New Party (NP). The NP won numerous seats in the national parliaments in the mid-1990s and received extensive media attention. However, it has shown a steady electoral decline since the late 1990s. Despite its poor recent election performance, the NP should not be regarded as a failure, as it has actually been remarkably successful at achieving its original objectives. By 2004, the KMT's policy positions had become so close to those of the NP that the NP was prepared to promote a party merger and allow its politicians to stand for election under a KMT banner. I challenge the most common explanation that the NP rose when united and fell when divided by bitter factional struggles. Instead a framework incorporating ideology, resources and political opportunity structure is employed to explain the rise and fall of the NP. I argue that when the NP faced a benign political environment in the mid-1990s, its moderate political message and rich human resources enabled the party to grow rapidly. However, after March 1996, the political environment became progressively more hostile, and as the NP's resources were eroded and wasted and the party moved towards a narrow and extremist political project, the party began its terminal decline. The space for the NP became even more limited after 2000, when party had to face intense competition from a powerful new KMT splinter party, the PFP, and a rejuvenated, united and orthodox KMT.