治理结构,权力机制与高校腐败——基于117个高校腐败案例的分析

基于新制度主义中的制度性同形理论,通过对117个高校腐败案例进行分析,发现高校腐败最大的特征就是与政府腐败特点的一致性,无论是在腐败主体特征还是腐败行为特征方面都极为相似。研究表明:在高等教育场域中,在强制性同形和模仿性同形机制作用下,高等教育场域中的高校与政府呈现组织性趋同现象,两者的组织结构、治理机制、监督漏洞、官场文化等方面都具有同形性,两者都采取相对集权的治理结构,而监督制衡机制效果不彰,无法有效地约束和限制权力,从而使高校腐败特征与政府腐败特征表现一致。从这个特点上来说,高校现有的治理结构和权力机制并没有体现出高校应有的独特性,其权力的运行机制也不足以控制腐败的发生。     

Corruption: An Alternative Approach to Its Definition and Measurement

Discussion of the definition of corruption has progressed little since Heidenheimer's groundbreaking distinction between definitions centred on public opinion, public office and public interest. All these definitions have been severely criticised. I suggest that underneath these traditional concepts of corruption lurks a much older one based on distributive justice – namely the 'impartiality principle', whereby a state ought to treat equally those who deserve equally. This principle provides a much more plausible reason for why the public condemns corruption than alternative approaches, and, moreover, it is recognised fairly universally: the implicit distinction between 'public' and 'private' is certainly neither as 'modern' nor as 'Western' as many have claimed. The universality of the principle of impartiality does not imply universality of its content: who deserves equally, or, alternatively, on which grounds discrimination is ruled out, will be answered differently at different periods in time and will vary from society to society. The impartiality principle provides a starting point for the discussion of both corruption in 'traditional' societies and contemporary political corruption – corruption involving violations of specific non-discrimination norms governing the access to the political process and the allocation of rights and resources. The impartiality principle calls for rule-bound administration and thus underpins the public office definition of corruption. A central element of the analysis of corruption is the study of specific non-discrimination norms and their comparison across time and place. This approach leads to a significant enrichment of the concept of corruption.     

Corporate Governance and Corruption: A Cross-Country Analysis

Because the empirical literature on the causes of corruption has focused primarily on the demand side of corruption, that is, the corrupt officials who receive bribe payments, the role of the private sector as the supply side of corruption has not been examined thoroughly in this literature. In this article, it is argued that corporate governance is among the important factors determining the level of corruption. Using a cross-country data set, hypotheses that explicitly link various measures of corporate governance to the level of corruption are tested. The results show that corporate governance standards can have profound impacts on the effectiveness of the global anticorruption campaign.     

协商治理:村民自治有效实现的路径选择

以民主选举为重心的村民自治面临三个问题:一是村民自治从参与到选举的扭曲,村民自治变成村官自治,民主的本质被掏空;二是精英牟利和民众权益被损害,村民自治维护农村社会稳定的目标遭破坏;三是以民主选举为重心带来精英主政以及"封闭式决策",造成村级决策的合法性脆弱。以协商治理为重心的村民自治的比较优势在于:一是以协商治理为重心更能体现村民自治的民主本质;二是协商治理更能促进村民自治中村级公共事务决策的合法性;三是以协商治理为重心的村民自治提升民众的政治效能感,有助于维护农村社会的稳定。因此,一是要搭建日常协商治理的平台和载体,二是要加强农村协商治理的程序化、制度化建设,三是要提升民众的协商治理意识和能力。唯其如此,才能促进村民自治的有效实现。     

Improving Partnership Governance: Using a Network Approach to Evaluate Partnerships in Victoria

Partnerships of various kinds are now widespread, but evaluating them is complicated. This article examines the usefulness of a network approach for analysing partnership effectiveness, where the central concern is governance. The approach is based on interviews, and for this evaluation they were conducted with 120 people from 10 different partnerships in Victoria. A detailed examination of network structures uncovers important features of partnerships, yielding crucial information about them as governing entities, and providing feedback to partners on where effort needs to be spent on relationship building. This article adds to the existing knowledge about what makes partnerships effective, and to the toolkit available for evaluating them.     

反腐败绩效：腐败治理的目标与逻辑

基于目标导向,反腐败绩效为腐败治理提供了新的概念范畴和分析视角。一项针对广东省的实证研究结果表明,反腐败力度与政府廉洁满意度二者落差明显,呈弱相关。探究其原因,与反腐败在路上、公众廉政预期、廉政信息公开、政策效应滞后周期等因素密切相关。与反腐败力度强调投入、过程与产出不同,反腐败绩效凸现政府廉洁满意度,为腐败治理提供价值导向、度量体系和动力机制。追求政府廉洁满意度最大化,反腐败绩效的目的与腐败治理的目标具有高度的逻辑一致性。经验表明,反腐败绩效评价的成功有赖于强有力的政治支持,因此,应简政放权,提高廉政信息透明度;倡导社会理性,既要加大对腐败现象的惩治力度,也要界定公权力边界,标本兼治。     

China: Administrative Corruption — Experience in a Comparative Context

As a new world economy emerges what is being learned about the accompanying phenomenon of administrative corruption? To probe this question we combine study of current developments in China with prevailing theories of corruption. The administrative corruption experience, as it has unfolded during the economic development thrust of the Deng reform era, is described and analysed in a comparative context. In specifically interjecting the American experience we suggest that a balanced control response to corruption —rather than an elimination focus—could be a fruitful avenue for policy and research, and that informal, social approaches to corruption control are pregnant with possibilities. China's experience offers a significant opportunity to push the margin of wisdom on these issues as they relate to economic and political development.     

行动者:治理转型中的行政主体

管理行政下的行政主体只是主客二分意义上的行政实体,是不具有主体性的行政主体。后工业社会的发育、发展,使行政管理发生深刻变化,促使多元管理主体生成,多元治理主体的生成意味着管理主体自觉性的增强。然而,当众多管理主体的主体性不断增长时,也就意味着行政主体在多元化进程中走向了自己的反面,由此说明需要在后工业社会场景下用行动者来取代行政主体。后工业社会条件下的行动者是充满想象力、具有积极性和主动性的行动者,他们通过自己的行动在建构这个世界。     

Shaping Administrative Reform and Governance: An Examination of the Political Nexus Triads in Three Asian Countries

When addressing administrative reform, many scholars have referred to the fact that governments confront multiple internal challenges such as fiscal stress, distrust of bureaucracy, and higher demands for public services (Peters and Savoie 1995). Externally, governments become more sensitive to global issues and tend to be more influenced by international environments (Garcia-Zamor and Khator 1994). Faced with internal and external challenges, governments seek new paradigms for governance (Ingraham and Romzek 1994) and often initiate administrative reform (AR) aimed at enhancing governmental performance and improving the administrative system through technological advances, managerial improvements, administrative innovations and continued enhancement of administrative capabilities (Caiden 1991). Administrative reform and its diffusion among Western countries are well documented in the literature (Campbell and Peters 1988; Savoie 1994; Halligan 1996; Peters and Savoie 1995). However, studies are skewed toward Western countries and little attention has been paid to Asia. Even less attention has been paid to comparative studies on Asian administrative reform, even though many Asian countries have developed their own AR trajectories to improve public efficiency and productivity (Burns 1994; Zhang, De Guzman, and Reforma 1992). As many students of comparative public administration (CPA) understand, it is always a challenging task, both methodologically and theoretically, to examine a group of different countries (Aberbach and Rockman 1987; Heady 1996a; 1996b; Peters 1988; Peters 1996). It is an even more challenging and controversial task to develop a single comparative framework from which we can examine different countries. This article attempts to fill a gap in the literature by examining Asian AR from a comparative perspective. First, we propose an exploratory theoretical framework, a Political Nexus Triad (PNT). PNT is an extended model, which adds civil society as the third dimension to the traditional politics-administration model. We suggest the PNT and its dynamic trajectory as a building block of the comparative study of Asian administrative reform. This is similar to the power interaction models in which Peters (1988) addresses the power interactions between politicians and bureaucrats. 1 Peters (1988) suggests the “pursuit of power” as one of the following four dependent variables for the comparative study of public bureaucracy: an individual level, an organizational level, a behavioral level and a power level. With respect to the power level, Peters develops five ideal-type models: a formal/legal model, a village life model, a functional village life model, an adversarial model and an administrative state model.
¹ Second, we examine the conventional patterns of PNT for three Asian countries: China, Japan, and Korea. Third, we survey AR of the three countries, focusing on actors, contents and potential impacts to the new PNT. Finally, we discuss conclusions and comparisons     

Social and Political Consequences of Administrative Corruption: A Study of Public Perceptions in Spain

Spain experienced an outbreak of public sector corruption—much of it related to the involvement of regional and local administrators and politicians in the country's urban development boom—that angered the public and sparked calls for government reform. Using data from a 2009 survey that followed these events, the authors examine the association between perceived corruption and the attitudes and behaviors of citizens, including satisfaction with government and democracy, social and institutional trust, and rule‐breaking behaviors. The findings suggest that perceptions of administrative as well as political corruption are associated with less satisfaction, lower levels of social and institutional trust, and a greater willingness to break rules. Although these survey results cannot prove causation, they are consistent with the notion that administrative and political corruption damages the legitimacy of government in the eyes of citizens and weakens the social fabric of democratic society.     

The Struggle for Democracy in Indonesia: An Actor–Structure Approach

Processes of democratization and the struggle for democracy are best studied from an actor-structure perspective. In this article the struggle for democracy in contemporary Indonesia is seen as attempts by pro-democracy actors to change authoritarian structures. Actors and structures preventing and favouring democracy are discussed. During the past few years the Indonesian pro-democracy movement has grown significantly, but it is quite heterogeneous. Various pro-democracy actors tend to concentrate their struggle on different authoritarian structures. Structures of ideas as well as behavioural structures supporting authoritarianism are strong, but on balance the prospects for at least a limited form of democracy are quite good.     

Corruption and Political Culture in America: An Empirical Perspective

Political culture helps define the boundaries of permissiblepolitical action. Thus, it should affect the amounts and typesof political corruption occurring in political systems, as wellas responses to corruption when it is discovered. This articlecompares the distribution of corruption convictions among federaljudicial districts over a three-year period to social and politicalcharacteristics of the districts, and to scaled measures ofElazar's moralistic, individualistic, and traditionalistic politicalsubcultures. Nationally, strong moralistic subcultures and highvoter turnouts are associated with numerous convictions, bothbefore and after district population is controlled. Analysisof regional patterns reveals a different model in the South,however, one suggesting ideas about the dynamics of traditionalisticpolitics. Corruption, and the impact of federal laws againstit, are best understood within their political and culturalsettings. ^* I am indebted to George Calafut and Philip Sidel of the SocialScience Computer Research Institute, University of Pittsburgh,who gave me many hours of assistance in assembling data. LeonardKuntz and William Nelson of the Universitys Office of Research,Father Bernard Quinn of the Glenmary Research Center, and WilliamNewman of the University of Connecticut helped me locate religiouscensus results. The County and City Data Book is published ontape by the Inter-University Consortium for Political and SocialResearch. Daniel J. Elazar, Michael Margolis, Bert A. Rockman,and two anonymous referees gave me extremely helpful commentson this study.     

寻租腐败:一种经济学分析视角

腐败现象,从经济学的角度讲,其性质是一种寻租活动。“寻租”是指人类社会中追求非生产性经济利益的活动。寻租活动的危害主要有:权力的滥用和腐化;社会资源的巨大浪费;社会成员是非价值传统观和对政府合法性认同感的丧失。寻租从本质上说是权力寻租行为。在我国正处于向市场经济过渡的转轨时期,制度“真空”的存在是权力寻租的主要根源。因此,遏制寻租腐败源头的根本措施在于制度创新。     

以自我革命精神推进新时代反腐倡廉

反腐倡廉是我们党进行自我革命的应有之义,其内涵包括自我革命是我们党赢得民心的重要法宝、反腐倡廉的本质是我们党的深刻自我革命、伟大建党精神蕴含着反腐倡廉自我革命品质三个方面。建党百年来,反腐倡廉构成了我们党自我革命的鲜明特征:新民主主义革命时期进行了“教育与惩戒相结合的反腐倡廉探索实践”、社会主义革命与建设时期进行了“群众运动式反腐倡廉的探索实践”、改革开放和社会主义现代化建设时期进行了“法制化、制度化反腐倡廉的探索实践”、新时代中国特色社会主义建设时期正在进行“立体化反腐倡廉的探索实践”。新时代新征程,应以伟大的自我革命精神推进党的反腐倡廉建设,即以自我革命精神加强党员干部的党性教育、加强党的领导和自身建设、进行反腐倡廉的系统治理。     

Corruption as Resource Transfer: An Interdisciplinary Synthesis

Despite significant investment in anticorruption instruments in the past decades, confusion about their effectiveness remains. While a growing body of scholarship claims that anticorruption reforms have generally failed, other scholars have shown that particular anticorruption tools may actually work. A likely explanation for these puzzling outcomes is that public administration research holds a mistaken view of corruption, and improperly selected anticorruption strategies often target the wrong type of corruption. To overcome this problem, this article proposes a four‐cell typology of corruption, reflecting two critical dimensions along which most corrupt behaviors occur: the resource transfer and the primary beneficiary. Synthesizing recent research developments, this article introduces a new conceptualization of corruption that integrates perspectives from several disciplines. It also offers a series of propositions concerning how each corruption type could be fought. The article concludes with implications for research and practice.