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1.
This article discusses how McCann's theory on legal mobilization and social change is generalizable to the legal decisions of agencies. I demonstrate how the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC) routinely delayed and denied Title VII employment rights on the basis of sex and how this resulted in the formation of the National Organization for Women (NOW) to ensure that the sex provision of Title VII was enforced. The article also discusses the influence of NOW in shaping the first years of Title VII law and the organization's role in reversing EEOC decisions denying rights under the sex provision of the law.  相似文献   

2.
Aude Lejeune 《Law & policy》2017,39(3):237-258
This article argues that the analysis of legal mobilization needs to give more attention to the state and its relationship with social movements in order to examine how the state either sustains social movements’ demands or is a field of contention for those demands. Focusing on how disability bureaucrats and activists mobilize antidiscrimination law in Sweden, this article shows that two main factors shape legal mobilization within the bureaucracy and alter the state's ability to become a legal mobilization actor: (1) the institutional relationships between social movement organizations and government agencies and (2) the profiles and careers of bureaucrats and activists. It concludes by suggesting several lines for further research on law and social movements in nonpluralist countries.  相似文献   

3.
在权利与法益之间——对侵权行为客体的解读   总被引:5,自引:0,他引:5  
侵权行为的客体是界定侵权行为法适用范围的重要方面,但目前学术界并未对此展开特别深入的探讨。本文明确了侵权行为客体为权利和法益的理由,并指出两者的诸多不同与适用时的合理限制,为两者的区别适用提供了理论依据。  相似文献   

4.
What factors affect whether ordinary citizens believe that workplace decisions involving African‐American employees rise to the level of discrimination? When do observers believe targets of possible race discrimination should consider mobilizing the law? We use a factorial design vignette study administered to a nationally representative sample of 2,087 ordinary people to address these questions. The “vigilance hypothesis” predicts that minorities will be more likely to perceive discrimination than whites. Our analysis partially confirms this: African Americans perceive anti‐Black discrimination at higher rates than do whites and Latinos, while Latinos do not show a significant difference from whites. Where respondents believe discrimination occurred, we analyze what influences whether respondents might recommend legal mobilization. The “cynicism hypothesis” suggests that people of color may be less likely to favor using law. We find, however, that African‐American and Latino respondents express more confidence in civil litigation, compared to whites. Further, African Americans express the strongest support for legal mobilization (recommending that a “friend” contact an attorney), while whites and Latinos do not differ in mobilization recommendations.  相似文献   

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6.
AMARTYA SEN 《Ratio juris》1996,9(2):153-167
Abstract. The author examines the discipline of moral rights and in particular the need to embed them in a consequential system. He argues that the widely held opinion that independence from consequential evaluation is the right way of guaranteeing individual freedom is based on an inadequate appraisal of the role of moral rights in the social context. In this perspective he examines two specific cases: (1) elementary political and civil rights, and (2) the reproductive rights of women in the context of poor countries with the problem of fast population growth. He argues that a coherent goal-rights system which accommodates rights among others goals, can overcome the non-consequential arguments and justify the force of moral rights fully within a consequentiality perspective.  相似文献   

7.
This article demonstrates how the content and meaning of California's consumer protection laws were shaped by automobile manufacturers, the very group these laws were designed to regulate. My analysis draws on and links two literatures that examine the relationship between law and organizations but often overlook one another: political science studies of how businesses influence public legal institutions, and neo-institutional sociology studies of how organizations shape law within their organizational field. By integrating these literatures, I develop an "institutional-political" theory that demonstrates how organizations' construction of law and compliance within an organizational field shapes the meaning of law among legislators and judges. This study examines case law and more than 35 years of California legislative history concerning its consumer warranty laws. Using institutional and political analysis, I show how auto manufacturers, who were initially subject to powerful consumer protection laws, weakened the impact of these laws by creating dispute resolution venues. The legislature and courts subsequently incorporated private dispute resolution venues into statutes and court decisions and made consumer rights and remedies largely contingent on consumers first using manufacturer-sponsored venues. Organizational venue creation resulted in public legal rights being redefined and controlled by private organizations.  相似文献   

8.
Scholarship on law and social movements has focused attention primarily on the United States, and secondarily on countries that share the Anglo‐American legal tradition. The politics of law and social movements in other national legal contexts remains underexamined. The analysis in this article contrasts legal mobilizations for immigrant rights in France and the United States, and explores the relations between national fields of power and legal practices. I trace the institutionalization of immigrant rights legal organizations in each country and argue that the divergent organizational forms and litigation strategies adopted by professionalized movement organizations reflect the dynamics of the nationally distinct fields of power relations within which law reform has been conducted. My analysis links the material and symbolic resources available to law reformers to the relative authority of private and public juridical actors in each state.  相似文献   

9.
Starting from the impossibility of understanding fundamental rights from the standpoint of natural law doctrine or positivism, the author tackles the issue of rights from a realistic point of view, that is to say from the perspective of law and politics on the one hand, and from the perspective of public morality, on the other. Thus the foundation of fundamental rights is the meeting point of conceptions of social morality that are current in the modern world and the political aspect of the conception of pluralist democracy. Moreover, fundamental rights are considered an instrument to enable the social and moral development of human beings.  相似文献   

10.
货币以其价值尺度、流通手段等基本职能创造了现代社会的商品交换世界.作为现代社会秩序维系的核心要素,货币既是人类个体从主观世界走向客观世界的中介环节,又是国家规范秩序和治理体系的关键所在.货币既是公私法规范体系产生发展的秘密,也是公民权利和国家权力紧张关系的聚焦中心.在权利和权力的合作竞争中,去除金银本位的国家纸币体系应当遵循货币运动的内在伦理边界,寻求货币权力和货币财产权之间的和解,通过货币治理法治化,以货币民主、货币非国家化等规范框架限制货币走向极权的可能性.  相似文献   

11.
This research compared 40 adults with mild developmental disabilities (DD) and 40 nondelayed adults (ND) in terms of knowledge of legal terms and court proceedings. For all of the 34 terms studied, with the exception of police officer there were significant differences between the DD and ND groups with respect to degree of conceptual understanding of terms. Results indicate that all but 6 terms assessed (adjourn, allegation, crown attorney, defendant, prosecute, and court reporter) were well-defined by 85% or more of ND participants. In contrast, only 8 of the terms (police officer, lawyer, jail, court, lie, truth, judge, and witness) were reasonably conceptually understood by at least 75% of DD participants. Reported familiarity with terms in DD participants is not a reliable indicator of actual familiarity with terms. Results are discussed with respect to the need for education of DD individuals and legal professionals to support participation and fair treatment of DD individuals in legal situations.  相似文献   

12.
Questions of how and why organizations respond to legal rights are analyzed in several sociolegal research traditions, including studies of legal mobilization, regulation, and neo‐institutionalist accounts of the diffusion of organizational structures. Using original qualitative and quantitative data, this article examines the responses of ten organizations to wheelchair access rights that are found in various provisions of the Americans with Disabilities Act (ADA) and related state laws. We find that concepts from each of the research traditions are useful in understanding the sources of variance in response among the organizations in our sample. We focus on four key variables: legal mobilization, commitment, professionalization, and routinization. We contend that these variables offer a relatively parsimonious language for studying organizational responses to the law and for aggregating insights from competing approaches in the literature, both of which are essential to advancing our understanding of the conditions under which law changes society.  相似文献   

13.
从《残疾人权利公约》反思国际人权机制   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
2007年3月起开放签字的《残疾人权利公约》是联合国体系在保护人权领域的最新努力。与以往的多数人权条约一样,《残疾人权利公约》列举了具体权利、构划了报告体制,同时通过任择议定书设计建立一套来文制度。这意味着在国际人权法上又添加了一套体制。虽然从权利保护发展本身看,这一公约的出现丰富了联合国体系的人权保护内容,但是从国际法治的理念上看,它是国际法不成体系的特征的继续与延伸,本质上不仅无益于国际法治的完善,而且有可能进一步提高国际法维护人权各个环节的成本。现阶段有必要考虑将包括人权、环境等领域的规范进行编纂,将相应机构进行整合,以推进国际法治的目标。  相似文献   

14.
纵向限制一直是反垄断法规制的难点,这是因为此类行为多有促进品牌间竞争和抑制品牌内竞争的双重效应,如何取舍殊为不易。美国反托拉斯法对地域限制等纵向限制行为的百年规制历史表明:借助普通法合同自由与社会公益的二元分析框架来界定特许权限范围存在知识上的缺陷,只有同时引入经济分析等其他分析工具才可能对特许权的恰当配置作出更为理性的判断,过于膨胀的权利话语无益于复杂经济问题的解决。  相似文献   

15.
16.
The purpose of this article is to consider the effect the United Kingdom’s currently prevailing legal culture is likely to have on the realization of cultural change presaged by the Human Rights Act. The article is in five parts. The first two address the preliminary questions: what is meant by ‘legal culture’ for these purposes, and what type of ‘human rights culture’ does the Human Rights Act envisage? The answers define the scope of the remainder of the article’s inquiry into the ways in which the Act itself and the culture of the United Kingdom legal profession and judiciary are likely to interact. The third part of the article identifies some examples of the sorts of culturally specific aspects of current legal practice which are likely to operate as serious practical constraints on the emergence of a human rights culture worthy of the name, before the fourth part considers what sorts of cultural changes will be required of judges and lawyers for the presaged cultural transformation to come about. Finally, the article asks whether there is any reason to believe that courts and lawyers can find from within their present culture the resources to bring about the necessary shift.  相似文献   

17.
一、农村劳动力输出基本情况和特点四川省是劳动力资源大省和劳务输出大省。截至2006年,全省8760万总人口中农业人口占6970万,农村劳动力流动就业人员1637万,进城务工人员1307万人(其中跨省农民工600万人),占全国流动就业总数的13.3%左右。总结近几年我省农民工基本状况,具有以下主要特点:1、从外出务工就业方式看:随着“千万农民工培训工程”的开展,农民工有组织外出、有目的就业的比例逐年提高,但还未达到外出务工就业主渠道地位。目前,依靠亲缘、人缘和地缘关系自助化外出务工的占58%,通过政府部门、企业和中介机构组织外出务工的占35%,…  相似文献   

18.
We investigate how cause lawyers articulate their demands in court. We do so by examining feminist legal briefs submitted in US Supreme Court cases from 1970 to the present, specifically focusing on the use of race–gender analogical legal framing. We explore the frequency and trends in the use of such arguments as well as the forms these arguments take, including how race–gender analogies parallel frame bridging and transformation. Additionally, we also investigate why activists choose to deploy race–gender analogies in their legal framing and discern that different political, legal, and social contexts can produce different uses of the race–gender analogy.  相似文献   

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20.
People with intellectual disabilities face proceedings to terminate their parental rights with disturbing regularity, with protecting the interests of offspring the primary justification. Although protecting children from harm is surely critical, these termination proceedings involve problematic assumptions about how fitness to parent is understood, how parenting is legally constructed, and what nondiscrimination requires for parents with intellectual disabilities. Using Article 12 of the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities as a model, it suggests two alternatives to the all‐or‐nothing termination processes in place today that might better realize the enjoyment of legal capacity as parents on an equal basis with others for people with intellectual disabilities: limited terminations analogous to limited guardianships and supported parenting along the lines of supported decision making proposed in the CRPD.  相似文献   

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