Liberal “chefs de cabinets ministeriels” in Quebec: keeping politics in policy-making

Abstract: During the Parti Québécois tenure of office, relations between chiefs of staff and senior officials were frequently characterized by conflict. By contrast, current Liberal chiefs of staff have managed to establish harmonious relations with senior officials. These different relations are explained by comparing the social origins, career paths and ideological inclinations of Péquiste chiefs of staff with those of their Liberal successors. The social origins of the two groups are of little significance in explaining their different relations with senior officials. However, the para-public service experiences of Péquiste chiefs of staff and their interventionist-oriented ideological inclinations largely account for the tension and conflict which tended to characterize their relations with senior officials. The public service experiences and non-interventionist predispositions of Liberal chiefs of staff have largely been responsible for their co-operative relations with senior officials. In the final analysis, the professional experiences and ideological inclinations of Liberal chiefs of staff have enabled them to acquire a clear understanding of the functions of their office. Moreover, these experiences and inclinations have shaped their determination to separate the political from the technical aspects of policy-making in order to maintain harmonious relations and to enhance their ministers' control over the politics of policy-making. Sommaire: Pendant le mandat du Parti québécois, les directeurs de cabinet et les hauts fonctionnaires ont souvent entretenus des relations conflictuelles. En revanche, sous le gouvernenient libéral actuel, les directeurs de cabinet ont réussi à nouer des rapports harmonieux avec les hauts fonctionnaires. Cette différence s'explique en comparant l'origine sociale, la carrière et l'orientation idéologique des directeurs de cabinet péquistes à ceux de leurs successeurs libéraux. Les origines sociales des deux groupes ne constituent pas un facteur d'explication important. En revanche, les activités parapubliques des directeurs de cabinet péquistes et leur tendance à préconiser une politique d'intervention ont joué un rôle-clé dans les relations tendues et conflictuelles qu'ils avaient avec les hauts fonctionnaires. Les directeurs de cabinet libéraux, au contraire, ayant travaillé dans le secteur public et favorisant une politique non interventionniste, ont des relations marquées par la collaboration avec les hauts fonctionnaires. Finalement, l'auteur de l'article explique que les expériences professionnelles et les orientations idéologiques des directeurs de cabinet libéraux ont permis à ces derniers de bien comprendre leurs fonctions. De plus, ces expériences et ces orientations les ont poussés à séparer les aspets politiques des aspects techniques lorsqu'il s'agit de prendre des décisions de façon à maintenir de bonnes relations et à accroître le contrôle qu'exercent leurs ministres sur les aspets politiques de la prise de décisions.     

“In the shadows of hierarchy”: Intergovernmental governance in Canada and the European Union

The articles in this issue suggest that intergovernmental governance takes a different form in Canada and the EU, raising questions about the transference of practices and institutions from one to the other. In both systems, non‐hierarchical modes of governance provide coordination in social policy. Hierarchy also plays a role, though not in a manner that one might expect. In the EU, hierarchy is tempered by members' direct participation in policy formulation. In Canada, hierarchy is important, but within rather than between governments, resulting in executive dominance of the intergovernmental process at the expense of devolving power to civil society and sub‐provincial governments.     

Policy trade-offs in “home care”: the Ontario example

Abstract: As Canada enters the twenty-first century, its highly prized program, medicare, is undergoing radical transformation. With technological change and the restructuring of health systems, the locus of care is shifting from institutions to the home. As a result, care that was formerly publicly financed under the Canada Health Act is technically becoming de-insured. This paper analyses the reform of community-based long-term care services in Ontario from 1985 to the present. During this period, three different parties, the Liberals, the ndp and the Progressive Conservatives, in turn, formed the government. Four different models were put forward before the current model was adopted by the current pc government. Each of these models is analysed with respect to design decisions that must be made in the policy dimensions of financing, delivery and allocation and evaluated in terms of equity, liberty, security and efficiency. Underlying the debate in Ontario was a fundamental disagreement about the role of government, reflected in views about the responsibilities of individuals and their families, and the appropriate place of for-profit organizations within a publicly funded system. The reform of this sector has significance that goes beyond its boundaries, with wider implications and warnings for health care in general. Sommaire: Au moment même où le Canada se trouve au seuil du vingtième siècle, son très populaire régime d'assurance-maladie subit une transformation radicale. À cause de l'évolution technologique et de la restructuration du systéme de soins de santé, le fardeau de ces soins se déplace des institutions vers les foyers. Par conséuent, des soins auparavant financés par les deniers public en vertu de la Loi cana-dienne sur la santé deviennent techniquement non-assurés. Dans cet article, on analyse la réforme des services ontariens de soins à long terme axés sur la communauté, de 1985 áG ce jour. Pendant cette période, trois partis differents, les Libéraux, les Né-démocrates et les Progressistes conservateurs ont formé le gouvernment à tour de rôle. Quatre modèles différents ont été préconisés avant l'adoption du modèle actuel par le gouvernement progressiste conservateur qui est aujourd'hui au pou-voir. On y analyse chacun de ces modèles quant aux décisions conceptuelles á faire pour les politiques de financement, de prestation et d'allocation, et chaque modèle doit être évalué en termes d'équité, de liberté, de sécurité et d'efficacité. À l'arrièreplan du débat, en Ontario, il y avait un désaccord fondamental sur le rôle du gouvemement, que reflétaient les opinions concemant la responsabilité des citoyens et de leurs familles ainsi que sur la place appropriée des organismes à but lucratif à au sein d'un système financéà même les derniers publics. La réforme de ce secteur a des répercussions non seulement sur le secteur hi-même mais aussi sur les soins de santé en général.     

The role of citizens in the “soft law” of select social policy areas in Canada and the European Union

This article compares the role of citizens in public reporting exercises of Canada's National Child Benefit and health care service delivery to that of the European Union's open method of coordination (OMC) for social protection and social inclusion. It finds that the institutional infrastructure providing for coordination across social policy areas and possible roles for non‐governmental actors in policy development is more extensive in the OMC than in the “new modes of governance” in Canada. However, there are obstacles to developing such infrastructure in Canada, given the different histories and political contexts of the European community and the functioning of federalism in Canada.     

“Who Does What” in Ontario: The process of provincial-municipal disentanglement

Abstract: Since the election of the Mike Harris Conservative government in 1995, Ontario has been the site of some of the most turbulent provincial-local relations ever experienced in a Canadian province. The province's agenda has included restructuring and realigning the responsibilities and resources of municipal governments and asserting control over the financing and governance of Ontario's education system. The sheer size of this agenda and the interconnections between its two main elements have made the quest to simplify or disentangle provincial-local relations impossible to achieve. This article documents events as the Conservatives moved from their “Common Sense Revolution” election manifesto to develop and implement a plan for disentanglement of provincial and local government services. It also identifies themes and potential lessons that emerge for government agenda setting and intergovernmental relations. Sommaire: Depuis que le gouvernment conservateur de Mike Harris fut élu au pouvoir en 1995, 1'Ontario a été aux prises avec des relations provinciales-locales qui sont parmi les plus turbulentes qu'une province canadienne n'ait jamais subies. La province a entrepris de restructurer et réaligner les responsabilités et les ressources des gouvernements municipaux et d'établir son contrôle sur le financement et la gérance du système d'éducation de l'Ontario. L'envergure même de cet agenda et les liens qui relient ses deux principaux éléments ont rendu impossible l'idée de simplifier ou de démêler les relations provinciales-locales. Cet article examine le déroulement des événements, lorsque les Conservateurs, partant de leur déclaration électorale concemant la eAvolution du bon sens, ont élaborté et mis en oeuvre un plan visant à démêler les services gouvemementaux provinciaux et locaux. II définit également des thèmes et des lecons qui pourraient être utiles lorsqu'un gouvernement veut formuler un plan d'action, ou lorsqu'il s'agit de relations intergouvernementales.     

Implementing “new public management”: The case of employment services in Quebec

Abstract: This article describes a reform to improve delivery of state‐funded employment services in the province of Quebec. It is based on a six‐year field study conducted during the reform process and presents the reform's objective, the way it was implemented, and some of the lessons learned during the reform process. This study focuses on three points: the key steps that led to the implementation of an output‐based contracting system between the state and non‐profit organizations; why the process of implementing private‐sector practices was unexpectedly long and complex; and the side‐effects associated with the reform.     

Performance management and “undesirable” organizational behaviour: Standardized testing in Ontario schools

Performance management (PM) is a major administrative mechanism for assessing efficiency and effectiveness, and for exacting accountability from organizations and individuals. Many have argued, however, that using PM in such ways creates perverse incentives and may lead to undesirable behaviours, such as the obstruction of accurate performance measurement in an effort to avoid public mortification. By examining the introduction of standardized testing in the Ontario public school system, this article adds to the debate on whether PM leads to undesirable behaviours and distorts the representation of actual performance by public sector employees. It argues that, while PM in the public sector may be well intentioned, it may generate a system that produces undesired results.     

Administrative discretion and the Access to Information Act: An “internal law” on open government?

Abstract: Canada's Access to Information Act establishes a qualified right to government information for all Canadians. However, critics complain that some politically sensitive requests ‐ often filed by journalists or political parties ‐ are given differential treatment, with longer delays and tougher decisions on disclosure. An econometric analysis of 2,120 requests handled by Human Resources Development Canada in 1999–2001 suggests that the complaints have some merit. Requests that were identified as sensitive, or that came from the media or political parties, were found to have longer processing time, even after other considerations were accounted for. The probability that such requests would exceed statutory response times was also significantly higher. The analysis illustrates a broader point: that internal bureaucratic procedures play an important role in defining what the right to information means in practice. The analysis also highlights the need to give the federal information commissioner better tools to deal with problems of delay. Sommaire: La Loi sur l'accès à l'information du Canada assure le droit à l'information gouvernementale pour tous les Canadiens. Cependant, les critiques se plaignent du fait que certaines demandes épineuses sur le plan politique ‐ requêtes souvent déposées par des journalistes ou des partis politiques ‐ font l'objet d'un traitement différentiel, avec des délais plus longs et des décisions plus strictes au moment de la divulgation. Une analyse économétrique de 2 120 requêtes traitées par Développement des Ressources humaines Canada de 1999 à 2001 laisse entendre que les plaintes sont en partie justifiées. On a constaté que les requêtes dites «sensibles», ou qui viennent des média ou des partis politiques, prenaient plus de temps à traiter, même compte tenu d'autres considérations. En outre, ces requêtes risquaient souvent de dé passer le temps de réponse légal. L'analyse illustre un point plus général, à savoir que les procédures bureaucratiques internes jouent un rôle important en définissant ce que le droit à l'information signifie dam la pratique. L'analyse souligne également qu'il est néessaire de dormer au Commissaire fédéral à l'information de meilleurs outils pour faire face aux problèmes de délai.     

Assessing the “will of the people”: an investigation into town service delivery satisfaction

Abstract: The “will of the people^‘’ is considered to be the highest authority in a democracy and said to be the driving force behind public policies. Yet not many past studies have assessed the level of citizen satisfaction with government services and identified ways of improving service delivery. At a municipal level, there is even less emphasis on measuring consumer satisfaction. This study measures citizens' satisfaction with municipal services in a town in Atlantic Canada. A taxonomy of government services based on user experience with the service and heterogeneity of consumer needs was developed and tested. Results indicate that while consumer satisfaction with municipal services is high, it does vary based on the nature of the service. Some action guidelines are suggested at the end of the paper to improve town service delivery. Sommaire: La «volonté du peuple» est considérée comme étant la plus haute autorité dans une démocratice, et l'on dit même que c'est elle qui est à l'origine des politiques publiques. Pourtant, peu d'études ont examiné le niveau de satisfaction du citoyen en ce qui concerne les services gouvernementaux et ont tenté de cerner les moyens permettant d'améliorer ces services. Au niveau municipal, on fait encore moins d'efforts pour mesurer la satisfaction des consommateurs. La présente étude mesure la satisfaction des citoyens à l'égard des services municipaux dans une ville située dans la région Atlantique du Canada. Une taxonomie des services gouvernementaux basée sur l'expérience des utilisateurs et sur l'hétérogénéité des besoins des consommateurs a été mise au point et testée. Les résultats indiquent que, bien que la satisfaction des consommateurs face aux services municipaux soit élevée, elle varie selon la nature de services. À la fin de l'article, on suggère quelques lignes directrices pour améliorer la prestation de services des villes.     

“Where there's a will …”: Reforming postsecondary education in Canada's and the European Union's decentralized systems

The Bologna Process that created the European Higher Education Area is an elaborate open method of coordination (OMC)‐type process involving the member states, interested parties, social partners and experts. It is the product of the incentives of the actors who created and who sustain it; it embodies a purpose. Is such a process relevant for policy making on postsecondary education in the Canadian federal system? One would need to know if there is a compelling vision, objective or anxiety that motivates the key actors.     

Explaining the resurgence of Métis rights: Making the most of “windows of opportunity”

Characterized as “Canada's forgotten people” since their defeat in the 1885 Battle of Batoche, the Métis have recently re‐emerged on Canada's policy agenda. How did the Métis, once vilified as traitors of Confederation, come to re‐position themselves as a rights‐bearing Aboriginal group in the Canadian federation? In this article, we apply John Kingdon's (1995) multiple streams model to help explain the resurgence of Métis rights on Canada's contemporary policy agenda. We argue that the changing legal and political landscape that surrounded Canada's crisis of unity provided a window of opportunity that allowed Métis policy entrepreneurs to bring the issue of Métis rights onto Canada's policy agenda.     

“Fortunate enough to obtain and keep the title of profession”: Self-regulating organizations and the enforcement of professional monopolies

Abstract: This paper establishes a framework for examining self-regulating occupations and their relationships with government, the public and other occupational groups. It then examines one aspect of this regulative bargain, the tools used by self-regulating organizations to enforce their statutory monopolies, in order to maintain jurisdictional boundaries. Evidence of these strategies was found through a review of the literature on the pros and cons of self-regulation, and legislation, regulations, and by-laws sent to the author by self-regulating occupations in Canada. The paper concludes with a discussion of trends in occupational self-regulation that may affect professional monopolies. Sommaire: Dans cet article, on établit un cadre permettant d'examiner les professions auto-r églement ées, ainsi que leurs relations avec le gouvernement, le public et les autres groupements professionnels. Ensuite, on y examine un aspect particulier de cette entente r églementaire, » est-à-dire les outils qu'utilisent ces organismes pour faire respecter leur monopole statutaire afin de pr éserver leurs frontières juridictionnelles. Les éléments de ces stratégies ont été identifiés au moyen d'un examen bibliographique des avantages et désavantages de l'auto-réglementation, ainsi que par une analyse des lois, des règlements et des statuts sociaux envoyés à l'auteur par les professions auto-réglementées au Canada. En conclusion, l'auteur discute des tendances de I'auto-réglementation professionnelle qui risquent d'influer sur les monopoles professionnels.     

The RCMP's “Mr. Big” sting operation: A case study in police independence,accountability and oversight

This paper analyses the RCMP's “Mr. Big” undercover investigation technique, which involves the use of undercover officers posing as high‐ranking members of a criminal organization. These officers befriend a target (the suspect) and promise the suspect that their leader (Mr. Big) can help the target in several ways; in exchange, the officers demand that the suspect truthfully reveal past criminal activity to establish credibility and protect the organization against surprises. There appears to be little interest on the part of state actors, other than the courts, in reducing police independence and providing more accountability and oversight for Mr. Big and other undercover operations. Yet, as parts of Canada's criminal justice system, such operations deserve scrutiny because of their cost and potential for wrongful convictions. This article calls for oversight of the police by several actors, including legislators providing guidelines for police investigations, closer judicial scrutiny and executive oversight of police operations, and improved police training.