Implementing “new public management”: The case of employment services in Quebec

Abstract: This article describes a reform to improve delivery of state‐funded employment services in the province of Quebec. It is based on a six‐year field study conducted during the reform process and presents the reform's objective, the way it was implemented, and some of the lessons learned during the reform process. This study focuses on three points: the key steps that led to the implementation of an output‐based contracting system between the state and non‐profit organizations; why the process of implementing private‐sector practices was unexpectedly long and complex; and the side‐effects associated with the reform.     

Explaining the resurgence of Métis rights: Making the most of “windows of opportunity”

Characterized as “Canada's forgotten people” since their defeat in the 1885 Battle of Batoche, the Métis have recently re‐emerged on Canada's policy agenda. How did the Métis, once vilified as traitors of Confederation, come to re‐position themselves as a rights‐bearing Aboriginal group in the Canadian federation? In this article, we apply John Kingdon's (1995) multiple streams model to help explain the resurgence of Métis rights on Canada's contemporary policy agenda. We argue that the changing legal and political landscape that surrounded Canada's crisis of unity provided a window of opportunity that allowed Métis policy entrepreneurs to bring the issue of Métis rights onto Canada's policy agenda.     

Managerialist advocate or “control freak”? The Janus‐faced Office of the Auditor General

Abstract: This article highlights the contradictions in the role of the Office of Auditor General (OAG) and identifies the sources as well as the consequences of the office's Janus‐like character as both a managerialist advocate and “control freak.” This character, it is argued, is shaped by institutional factors and the knowledge‐basis on which the office relies to fulfil its mission. Three causes of “institutional schizophrenia” are identified: the OAG'S mandate in relation to financial and value‐for‐money audit (VFMA); the combination of the OAG'S institutional permeability and the structure of the management consulting market; and the tensions between the “negative” and “positive” dimensions of the office's mandate. On the consequences side, the author discusses three elements: the limited capacity of the OAG to develop a coherent position about managerialism; the fact that the advocacy of managerialist principles is drawing the OAG closer into the political realm; and the fragility of professionalism as a mechanism for regulating the management consultant's role of the OAG in relation to VFMA. Sommaire: Le but de cet article est de mettre en relief les contradictions dans le rôle du Bureau du vérificateur général (BVG) et d'identifier les causes et les conséquences du caractére schizoïde du Bureau qui est à la fois partisan du managérialisme et obsédé du contrôle. Ce caractère spécifique du Bureau est façonné par des facteurs institutionnels et le type de connaissance dont il dépend pour remplir sa mission. Trois causes de schizophrénie institutionnelle sont identifées:le mandat du BVG en ce qui concerne la vérification financière et l'optimisation des ressources; l'interaction entre la perméabilité institutionnelle du Bureau et la structure du marché du conseil en management; et les tensions entre les dimensions positives et négatives du mandat du Bureau. En ce qui conceme les conséquences, cet article aborde trois aspects:l'incapacité du BVG À développer une position cohérente à l'endroit du managérialisme; le fait que la promotion d'idées managérialistes amène le BVG À s'impliquer dans la sphère politique, et la fragilité du professionalisme en tant que comme mécanisme pour réguler le rôle de consultant du BVG en ce qui concerne la vérification d'optimisation des ressources.     

“Man plans,God laughs”: Canada's national strategy for protecting critical infrastructure

Critical Infrastructure Protection seeks to enhance the physical and cyber‐security of key public and private assets and mitigate the effects of natural disasters, industrial accidents and terrorist attacks. In 2009, several Canadian governments published the National Strategy and Action Plan for Critical Infrastructure (NS&AP), a framework for governments and the owners and operators of critical infrastructure – largely in the private sector – to collaborate on the security and increased resiliency of Canada's critical assets. Drawing on the social science risk literature, audits, and a three‐year research and education project, this article argues that the strategy of relationship building, collaborative risk management and information sharing is under‐developed and limited by market competition, incompatible institutional cultures, and legal, logistical and political constraints. The NS&AP should better delineate risks and identify how governments can work with industry, and acknowledge the paradox between trust and transparency, the role of small‐ and medium‐sized enterprise, and how risk management processes can vary.     

Public choice: “Yes Minister” made it popular,but does winning the Nobel Prize make it true?

Abstract: This paper discusses the influence and validity of public choice economics, which uses the traditional methodology of self-interested utility-maximizing rational choice to explain the behaviour of voters, politicians and bureaucrats. Public choice authors view the democratic political system pessimistically, fearing that politicians, interest groups and bureaucrats will collude to expand government activity, which will benefit these three groups but harm the public at large. Thus, public choice writers are supporters of the conservative agenda of balanced budgets and reduced government spending. The article shows how the successful British television series “Yes Minister” draws much of its inspiration from the public choice model and how this is reflected in the behaviour of the key characters in the series. It is argued that the series has been effective at popularizing the model. Finally, the article critically reviews the recent Canadian public choice literature, and finds that it uses the marginal voter hypothesis tautologically, that many tests of the validity of the public choice model have been methodologically sloppy, and that public choice writers could have profited from an interview methodology in attempting to explain public policy outcomes. Sommaire: Cet article analyse l'influence de l‘école du “choix public” en économie laquelle utilise la méthode classique du choix rationnel fondé sur les intérêts personnels et la maximisation de l'utilité pour expliquer le comportement des électeurs, des politiciens et des bureaucrates. Les auteurs, tenants de cette école, sont pessimistes à l’égard du régime politique démocratique car ils craignent que les politiciens, les groupes d'intérêt et les bureaucrates se concertent pour accroître les activités gouvernementales à leur avantage mais au détriment du grand public. Ces auteurs favorisent donc un programme politique conservateur prônant l‘équilibre budgétaire et la réduction des dépenses gouvernementales. L'article montre comment le feuilleton télévisé britannique “Yes Minister”, qui connaît un vif succès dans le monde entier, s'inspire du modèle “du choix public” et comment le jeu des principaux personnages en est influencé. On affirme même que le feuilleton a contribuéà populariser ce modèle. L'auteur critique enfin les derniers ouvrages canadiens sur le choix public et estime qu'on utilise l'hypothèse de l’électeur marginal de manière tautologique et, par ailleurs, que de nombreux tests sur la validité du modèle du choix public laissent à désirer au niveau de la méthodologie. Les auteurs du choix public auraient eu intérêt à recourir à la méthode des entrevues pour expliquer les décisions gouvernementales.     

“In the shadows of hierarchy”: Intergovernmental governance in Canada and the European Union

The articles in this issue suggest that intergovernmental governance takes a different form in Canada and the EU, raising questions about the transference of practices and institutions from one to the other. In both systems, non‐hierarchical modes of governance provide coordination in social policy. Hierarchy also plays a role, though not in a manner that one might expect. In the EU, hierarchy is tempered by members' direct participation in policy formulation. In Canada, hierarchy is important, but within rather than between governments, resulting in executive dominance of the intergovernmental process at the expense of devolving power to civil society and sub‐provincial governments.     

“Of secretaries to princes”

Abstract: An enduring issue of public administration is the ability of our political leadership to implement an agenda and to master events. This question has acquired new urgency in Canada and the United States with the publicity given to personnel problems in the offices of the prime minister and leader of the opposition, and with the role of the White House staff in the Iran-Contra affair. Using examples drawn from the author's past position as principal secretary to Prime Minister Trudeau, the article argues that: (a) it is possible to prevent the urgent from overwhelming the important but only if a strategic plan is adopted; (b) to implement such a strategic plan it is necessary to have a highly competent, partisan personal staff; but (c) we are in danger in Canada of blurring the lines between a partisan Prime Minister's Office and our tradition of a neutral public service. Such a blurring will impede the attempt to develop a strategic prime ministership. Sommaire: Nos chefs politiques peuvent-ils mettre en oeuvre un programme politi-que et exercer un contrôe sur les événements? Cette question, qui revient constamment en administration publique, a pris une acuité particulière au Canada et aux ÉtatsUnis depuis la publicité qui a été donnée aux problèes de personnel dans le cabinet du premier ministre et dans les bureaux du chef de l'opposition, et au rôle qu'a joué le personnel de la Maison Blanche dans le scandale de l'Irangate. Utilisant des exemples tirés de son expérience alors qu'il était secrétaire principal auprès du premier ministre Trudeau, l'auteur soutient: (a) qu'on peut éviter de faire passer les questions urgentes avant les questions importantes si on adopte un plan stratégique; (b) qu'il est nécessaire pour mettre en oeuvre ce plan stratégique de s'entourer d'un personnel compétent et partisan, mais (c) qu'au Canada, nous courons le risque que la ligne de démarcation entre un cabinet du Premier ministre nécessairement partisan et une Fonction publique neutre, comme le veut la tradition, soit floue. La confusion qui en découlerait nuirait au développement de fonctions stratégiques au bureau du premier ministre.     

Multilevel policy from the municipal perspective: A pan‐Canadian survey

Building on in‐depth case studies and extensive theory‐building by Canadian multilevel governance scholars, this article identifies and describes multilevel policy involvement by federal, provincial, municipal, private, and NGO actors in three policy phases and eighteen policy domains that specifically involve local governments in Canada. Drawing from an original pan‐Canadian survey of municipal mayors and councillors, we show that municipal politicians see multilevel policy involvement as remarkably prevalent across many policy domains. Using an original measure of multilevel policy involvement, we identify the policy domains in which policy involvement is most concentrated or fragmented and then describe the correlates of this measure. Multilevel policy involvement, we argue, is more clearly associated with policy phase and policy domain than with municipal population or region. We conclude with a discussion of implications for future research.     

Politics,politicians, and public servants in non-partisan local governments

Abstract: One of the major characteristics of the increasing complexity of government in the 1990s is the heightened power of public servants. This phenomenon has been well documented at the federal and provincial levels. The smaller size of local governments has meant that this trend has been slower to develop there, but it seems clear that it is emerging as an issue at this level of government as well. The increasing power of public servants challenges the traditional, simple paradigm of the role of politicians and public servants, simply expressed as “politicians on top, experts on tap.” This paradigm is breaking down in a number of ways as decision-making processes become more complex. This means that this once-clear statement of “politicians on top, experts on tap” needs to be replaced by a more complex understanding of the relationship between politicians and staff. Power is now shared by politicians and staff, but the tricky part of the sharing is that democratic principles require that elected politicians must maintain a predominant position. Any revised paradigm must recognize both the sharing of power, and the fact that the sharing cannot be equal. This paper will borrow a framework commonly used to examine the power of public servants in the federal and provincial governments and apply it to local government. As the article will indicate, many of the principles are similar, but there are some important variations. This revised paradigm provides a practical guide for action for both councillors and staff in their dealings with one another. Sommaire: L'augmentation du pouvoir des fonctionnaires constitue l'une des principales caractéristiques de la complexité croissante du gouvernement dans les années 1990. Les preuves de ce phénomèe sont nombreuses aux paliers fédéral et provincial. Étant donné la taille plus réduite des gouvernements locaux, cette tendance s'y développe plus lentement, mais elle commence 1à aussi à susciter des préoccupations Ce phénomène remet en question le paradigme traditionnel sur le rôle des élus et des fonctionnaires, que l'on peut exprimer très simplement comme suit “ les élus en haut, les experts en disponibilité. ” Ces rapports se désagrègent de diverses façons à mesure que le processus décisionnel devient plus complexe. Cet énoncé, jadis très clair, doit être remplacé par une compréhension accrue des rapports entre elus et fonctionnaires. En effet, si les deux groupes partagent maintenant le pouvoir, la difficulté dans ce partage réside en ce que les principes démocratiques exigent que les représentants politiques élus maintiennent une position dominante. Toute redéfinition du paradigme traditionnel doit admettre à la fois le partage du pouvoir et le fait que ce partage est forcement inégal. Le présent article emprunte un cadre généralement utilisé pour examiner le pouvoir des fonctionnaires au sein des gouvernements fédéral et provinciaux, et l'applique au gouvernement local. L'article souligne que de nombreux principes sont similaires, bien qu'ayant toutefois des variations importantes. Cette redefinition constitue un guide d'action pratique tant pour les conseillers municipaux que pour leur personnel dans leurs transactions mutuelles.     

“Where there's a will …”: Reforming postsecondary education in Canada's and the European Union's decentralized systems

The Bologna Process that created the European Higher Education Area is an elaborate open method of coordination (OMC)‐type process involving the member states, interested parties, social partners and experts. It is the product of the incentives of the actors who created and who sustain it; it embodies a purpose. Is such a process relevant for policy making on postsecondary education in the Canadian federal system? One would need to know if there is a compelling vision, objective or anxiety that motivates the key actors.     

La fonction publique canadienne a perdu ses repères

Some thirty years ago, politicians in Anglo‐American democracies introduced a series of measures designed to give them the upper hand in shaping public policy and to push senior public servants to become better managers. The government of Canada was no exception. Politicians essentially decided to look to the private sector to improve public sector management. The efforts have failed, have been costly to taxpayers, and have knocked the federal public service off its moorings. The article argues that the public service needs to rediscover its roots and walk away from simple assumptions tied to economic self‐interest and deductive models and from the mantra that reforms inspired by the private sector can drive productive change in the public sector.     

British Columbia's Capital Asset Management Framework: Moving from transactional to transformative leadership on public‐private partnerships,or a “railroad job”?

Abstract: The Liberal government of British Columbia has had more success in terms of the number of public‐private partnerships they have managed to initiate than any other provincial government in Canada. Observers (whether they believe that this outcome is positive or negative) agree that part of this success is attributable to the Capital Asset Management Framework. Introduced in the spring of 2002, this is a province‐wide set of guidelines that all ministries, agencies and other public organizations seeking a provincial capital contribution must follow. Adherents of the New Public Management (such as the Liberal government) frequently state that public managers ought to be empowered to produce results, and judged by these results, not tied to rigid procedures. With this in mind, this article examines the Capital Asset Management Framework guidelines. The article also explores how the introduction of the Capital Asset Management Framework shifted government leadership on the issue from a transactional to a transformational basis, potentially helping to alleviate the previous difficulties the government had with this issue. Evidence for this analysis is derived from documents, newspapers and trade, interest group and think‐tank publications, as well as interviews that the author conducted with public‐ and private‐sector executives in the summer and fall of 2005. Sommaire : Le gouvernement Libéral de la Colombie‐Britannique a remporté plus de succès que tout autre gouvernement provincial au Canada, en termes du nombre de partenariats publics‐privés qu'il a réussi à lancer. Les observateurs (que ceux‐ci pensent que ce résultat soit positif ou négatif) conviennent que ce succès est en partie attribuable au «Cadre de gestion des immobilisations». Lancé au printemps de 2002, ce projet est un ensemble de lignes directrices pour la totalité de la province que doivent respecter tous les ministères, toutes les agences et autres organismes publics cherchant à obtenir des contributions provinciales pour leurs dépenses en capital. Les adhérents à la Nouvelle gestion publique (comme le gouvernement Libéral) déclarent fréquemment que les gestionnaires publics devraient être habilités à produire des résultats, àêtre jugés sur ces résultats, et non pas être liés par des procédures rigides. C'est dans cet état d'esprit que l'article examine les lignes directrices du Cadre de gestion des immobilisations. L'article étudie également en profondeur comment l'introduction du Cadre de gestion des immobilisations a fait basculer l'approche des dirigeants gouvernementaux sur la question d'une base transactionnelle à une base transformationnelle, en aidant éventuellement à alléger les difficultés précédentes que le gouvernement avait rencontrées à cet égard. Les éléments de preuve de cette analyse proviennent de documents, de journaux et de revues spécialisées, de publications de groupes d'intérêts et de groupes de réflexion, ainsi que d'interviews que l'auteur a menées auprès du personnel de direction des secteurs public et privé au cours de l'été et de l'automne 2005.     

Extending the realm of health policy with a “new public health” approach: A comparative look at the Canadian and Swedish national experiences

Abstract: Modern health‐care systems in OECD countries were built around hospitals and the preferences of organized medicine and are largely focused on acute‐care services and services provided by doctors. Starting in the early 1980s, however, the professionalization in several countries of trades traditionally involved in health promotion, together with the constitution of a group of researchers in social epidemiology and the corresponding development of specialized schools and research centres, brought new actors into health policy‐making worldwide. This led to the extension of contemporary health policy beyond the post‐war bio‐medical model into population health promotion and social policy. This article describes and analyses the means (and limitations) used by Canada and Sweden for extending the action radius of health policies. Results show that national policies in health promotion beyond the health sector contributed above all to developing and legitimizing an official discourse that presents social problems as factors affecting social inequalities in health. Health promotion represented a tool for maintaining central social norms, as national governments were re‐defining their role in social policy. Sommaire: Les systèmes modernes de soins de santé dans les pays de l'OCDE ont été construits autour d'hôpitaux et des préférences de la médecine organisée et sont essentiellement axés sur les services de soins intensifs de courte durée et les services médicaux. Cependant, depuis le début des années 1980, la professionnalisation des métiers traditionnellement impliqués dans la promotion de la santé survenue dans plusieurs pays, associée à la constitution d'un groupe de chercheurs en épidémiologie sociale et le développement d'écoles et de centres de recherche spécialisés ont introduit de nouveaux acteurs dans l'élaboration de politiques en matière de santéà l'échelle mondiale. Cela a entraîné une transformation de la politique de la santé contemporaine, qui a dépassé le modèle biomédical d'après‐guerre pour s'étendre à la promotion de la santé de la population et à la politique sociale. Le présent article décrit et analyse les moyens utilisés par le Canada et la Suède pour étendre le rayon d'action des politiques de la santé et les limites auxquelles ils font face. Les résultats indiquent que les politiques nationales visant la promotion de la santé au‐delà du secteur de la santé ont contribué avant tout à développer un discours officiel qui présente les problèmes sociaux comme des facteurs ayant une incidence sur les inégalités sociales de la santé. La promotion de la santé a représenté un outil pour maintenir des normes sociales nationales, alors que les gouvernements centraux redéfinissaient leur rôle en matière de politique sociale.     

New public management: Just a “fashlon model on the runway”?

“Government reform has broad goals ‐ npm is more effective at the narrow end of measuring client satisfaction. [1]f fundamental public policy issues are not dealt with adequately then well‐managed policy implementation cannot lead to effective public policy.” The Global Public Management Revolution: A Report on the Transformation of Governance. By donald f. kettl. Washington, D.C.: The Brookings Institution. 2000. Pp. vii, 87. Bureaucracy and the Alternatives in World Perspective. Edited by keith m. Henderson and O.P. dwivedi. New York: St. Martin's Press. 1999. Pp. xx, 330. The New Public Management: International Developments. Edited by david barrows and h. ian macdonald. Toronto: Captus Press. 2000. Pp. xiii, 225.     

The RCMP's “Mr. Big” sting operation: A case study in police independence,accountability and oversight

This paper analyses the RCMP's “Mr. Big” undercover investigation technique, which involves the use of undercover officers posing as high‐ranking members of a criminal organization. These officers befriend a target (the suspect) and promise the suspect that their leader (Mr. Big) can help the target in several ways; in exchange, the officers demand that the suspect truthfully reveal past criminal activity to establish credibility and protect the organization against surprises. There appears to be little interest on the part of state actors, other than the courts, in reducing police independence and providing more accountability and oversight for Mr. Big and other undercover operations. Yet, as parts of Canada's criminal justice system, such operations deserve scrutiny because of their cost and potential for wrongful convictions. This article calls for oversight of the police by several actors, including legislators providing guidelines for police investigations, closer judicial scrutiny and executive oversight of police operations, and improved police training.     

The role of citizens in the “soft law” of select social policy areas in Canada and the European Union

This article compares the role of citizens in public reporting exercises of Canada's National Child Benefit and health care service delivery to that of the European Union's open method of coordination (OMC) for social protection and social inclusion. It finds that the institutional infrastructure providing for coordination across social policy areas and possible roles for non‐governmental actors in policy development is more extensive in the OMC than in the “new modes of governance” in Canada. However, there are obstacles to developing such infrastructure in Canada, given the different histories and political contexts of the European community and the functioning of federalism in Canada.     

Fiscal rules in the Canadian provinces: Abject failure or qualified success?

Most Canadian provinces have introduced legislation to require politicians of all ideological stripes to meet annual balanced budget (BB) targets. Critics of this type of legislation argue that it is unnecessary, confining, and subject to manipulation. We examine provincial balanced budget legislation before and after the Great Recession and argue that the response of provinces needs to be evaluated taking into account the multiple objectives of fiscal policy and the behavioural changes that the rules introduce, including creative non‐compliance. Rules should be evaluated on their ability to contribute to good fiscal governance rather than on their stringency.     

Awareness and use of systematic literature reviews and meta‐analyses by ministerial policy analysts

Systematic literature reviews and meta‐analyses have been promoted as important types of evidence to inform policy analysis and policy decisions. Little is known, however, about ministerial policy analysts' knowledge of this type of evidence. Drawing from a survey conducted among policy analysts (Québec), we report on the extent to which these research methods and contributions are known and used across policy sectors, and develop a socio‐professional profile of users. We conclude with recommendations for researchers and policy makers to improve the uptake of systematic reviews and meta‐analyses and to more effectively implement evidence‐informed practices.     

Les enjeux de la privatisation des établissements de détention

Sommaire: Le mouvement de privatisation des prisons et des pénitenciers a connu un développement fdgurant dans les pays anglo‐saxons de 1990 à 2000. Depuis, plu‐sieurs administrations publiques, en particulier aux États‐Unis, ont réalisé que les avantages escomptés et annoncés par les grandes corporations du secteur privé n'étaient pas vraiment au rendez‐vous, au point ou on parle actuellement de l'éclate‐ment de la bulle de la privatisation. Le débat est aujourd'hui dominé par les positions extrêmes de l'entreprise privée ‐ qui continue à vanter ses établissements ‐ et des associations de défense de droits civiques et des syndicats, qui adoptent la position opposée. L'examen des recherches empiriques ayant été faites à ce sujet révèle que la majorité des études comparatives présentent des failles méthodologiques importantes qui ne permitting pas d'asseoir la prise de décision sur des bases solides. Il importe donc d'agir avec prudence dans ce secteur fortement influencé par des enjeux politiques, sociaux et communicationnels dont l'ampleur reste encore insoupconnée. Abstract: From 1990 to 2000, the trend towards the privatization of jails and penitentiaries in Anglo‐Saxon countries grew very rapidly. Since then, several public administrations, particularly in the United States, have come to realize that the benefits anticipated by the big corporations in the sector never actually materialized; in fact, we now talk of the bursting of the privatization bubble. Today, the debate is dominated by the extreme positions taken by private enterprise, which continues to boast about its institutions, and by human and trade‐union rights advocacy associations, which are adopting the opposite position. The review of empirical research on this topic indicates that most comparative studies have significant methodological flaws that undermine the foundations of the decision‐making process. It is therefore important to act with caution in this sector, which is highly influenced by political, social and communicational issues, the magnitude of which is yet unknown.