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1.
Public reporting is increasingly used to enhance accountability and transparency and stimulate performance improvement in the public sector. In Canada performance reporting in the health sector is still in development, and involves a large number of actors. This article reports on the results of a recent intervention by the Canadian Institute for Health Information (CIHI) to develop a platform for pan‐Canadian performance reporting ( http://www.yourhealthsystem.cihi.ca ). It describes approaches taken to: develop a conceptual framework; engage the public in the definition of performance reporting priorities; and select indicators for public reporting. This article also discusses conceptual, methodological and operational challenges as well as a proposed evaluation strategy.  相似文献   

2.
Abstract. The representativeness of the Canadian federal public service is an important matter because of the relation of francophone representation to the central issue of national unity and because of recent demands for the increased representation of women and native people. The major arguments presented in this paper are: 1/that despite the logical and empirical deficiencies of the theory of representative bureacracy, official government policy on a representative public service is based on the central assumption of the theory, and 2/that government efforts to achieve a more representative public service serve significant symbolic and partisan political purposes. The first section of the paper reviews the arguments for and against representative bureaucracy and the Canadian literature on the subject. The second section describes government policy on a representative public service with particular reference to francophones, women and native people. The final section assesses the implications of representative bureaucracy for the Canadian political system and includes an examination of the relation between representative bureaucracy and administrative responsibility and between active and passive representativeness.  相似文献   

3.
This paper develops a framework to measure parentage policy based on the legal barriers faced by intended parents, taking into account eligibility requirements, rules for genetic relationships, and surrogacy contract enforceability. It then applies this framework to the Canadian provinces. While parentage policy in Canada is undoubtedly a patchwork, policy change has moved in an increasingly permissive direction, often as a result of litigation. Moreover, this study provides an opportunity to develop broader research project for comparative scholars of parentage policy. Future studies of parentage policy, building from the framework developed here, should qualitatively examine the role of policy implementers other than legislatures and determine how policy learning and transfer affect parentage policy change. Because parentage policy can provide legal certainty for parents and prevent legal disputes, understanding the factors behind policy change is an endeavour with both theoretical and practical significance.  相似文献   

4.
改革开放以来,我国高等工科教育取得了飞速发展。而这三十年的飞速发展又与国家的教育政策导向紧密相关。改革开放三十年来的高等工科教育政策确保了高等工科人才培养的规模和质量,基本满足了社会变革和时代发展对工程人才的需求,使我国的高等工科教育走上了一条健康发展的道路。但是,其中也有一些经验教训值得总结。未来我国高等工科教育相应政策的制定,要站在历史的高度、以创新的精神和国际化的视野来进行。  相似文献   

5.
6.
Although provincial and local governments bear primary responsibility for urban transit projects and operations in Canada, the Government of Canada engages intermittently in this policy field, mainly through research and short‐term funding programs. This article analyzes federal policy concerning urban transit over the period 2002‐2017, with a substantive focus on policy ideas—the cognitive and normative concepts that provide direction for, and shape the perceived legitimacy of, policy choices. Through a thematic content analysis of policy documents, this article explicates the paradigms, programmatic foci, frames and public sentiments that have underpinned federal urban transit policy over this 15‐year period.  相似文献   

7.
Abstract. This paper investigates the implications for public policy in general and merger sections of the Combines Act in particular of the hypothesis that bureaus, when carrying out their administrative duties, attempt to maximize their private utility functions rather than the social utility function expressed in the legislation. The analytical procedure, given alternative utility goals of power, prestige, convenience, and security and the appropriate constraints, is to predict the behaviour of the Combines Branch (from 1960–71) and to test these predictions against actual Branch behaviour. The evidence on the Branch's behaviour (all cases prosecuted and discontinued) suggests that its conduct can be better explained by security maximization than by any alternative private or altruistic goal. However, it is not clear that this was a bad thing for public policy because it can be argued that the Branch's behaviour brought public policy in this area closer to the social welfare function implied in the legislation than would have been the case if the government had successfully maximized its private utility function. Sommaire. L'auteur de cet exposé enquête sur les implications, pour la politique publique en général et les articles sur le fusionnement de la loi sur les coalitions en particulier, de l'hypothèse suivant laquelle es bureaux, dans l'exercice de leurs responsabilités administratives, essaient de maximiser leurs fonctions privées plutôt que leur fonction sociale, telle qu'elle est indiquée dans la législation. La procédure analytique, étant donné le choix des buts: pouvoirs, prestige, commodité et sécurité, avec Ies limites appropriées, consiste à prédire le comportement du service chargé des coalitions (de 1965 à 1971) et à vérifier ces prédictions à la lumière de son comportement réel. Les faits relatifs au comportement de ce service (tous les cas amenés en justice et ceux qui ont été abondonnés) indiquent qu'il s'explique plus par une maximisation de la sécurité que par tout autre motif privé ou altruiste. Il ne semble pas cependant que cela ait été néfaste à la politique publique parce que l'on peut argumenter que le comportement du service a fait jouer à la politique publique un rôle plus orienté vers le bien-être social, comme cela était sous-entendu dam la législation, que ce n'aurait été le cas si le gouvernement avait maximisé avec succès sa fonction privée.  相似文献   

8.
Abstract: Canadian municipal governments are expected to play a central role in emergency management, which involves developing policies and programs to cope with emergencies and their impacts. But although all communities face potential emergencies, the quality of municipal emergency planning varies considerably from one community to another. This suggests that some municipal decision-makers have recognized emergencies as a problem and have prioritized this issue relative to others competing for attention and resources. This article examines policy-making in municipal emergency management through the lens of the Multiple Streams framework, an analytical model that explains how problems are recognized, how and why they are added to the decision agenda, and how they are matched with policy solutions. Sommaire : Les gouvernements municipaux canadiens sont supposés jouer un rôle essentiel dans la gestion des urgences, ce qui implique l'élaboration de politiques et de programmes pour faire face aux urgences et à leurs répercussions. Mais alors que toutes les collectivités font face à des urgences éventuelles, la qualité de la planification des urgences à l'échelle municipale varie considérablement d'une collectivitéà une autre. Cela laisse entendre que certains décisionnaires municipaux ont reconnu les urgences comme étant un problème et ont accordé la prioritéà cette question par rapport à d'autres rivalisant pour obtenir de l'attention et des ressources. Le présent article examine l'élaboration de politiques dans le domaine de la gestion des urgences dans une municipalité par le biais du cadre Sources multiples, un modèle analytique qui explique comment les problèmes sont reconnus, comment et pourquoi ils sont ajoutés au programme de décisions, et quelles sont les solutions en matière de politiques pour les résoudre.  相似文献   

9.
Abstract: Throughout the 1993 federal election campaign Canadians were subjected to reminders that this was an age of disillusioned populists. One response to this new mood was contained in the now popular Red Book entitled “Creating Opportunity: The Liberal Plan for Canada,” in which the right of Canadians to regular and serious consultations on foreign policy issues was to be affirmed and acted upon. This essay explores how an earlier consultation in 1985–86 was accomplished in the most extensive foreign policy review process ever established by the federal government. It examines the bureaucratic attitudes towards such public input and the critical leadership needed by the minister to ensure that a positive response to the parliamentarians' 121 recommendations was obtained from the bureaucracy. If parliamentary committees are to play the middleman role in brokering diverse and competing ideas emanating from public representations on policy, then ministerial interest, involvement, and clout will be deemed necessities before acceptance and policy implementation become a reality among mandarins. Obtaining public input is much easier than moving the bureaucracy in response to that input. The modes of public administration must be adjusted if democratization of policy making is to become a reality. Sommaire: Tout au long de la campagne d'élection fédérale de 1993, les événements ont rappelé aux Canadiens que notre époque était celle des populistes désillusionnés. Parmi les réactions à ce nouvel état d'esprit figurait le “ Livre rouge ”, entre-temps devenu populaire et intitulé“ Créer des possibilités: le Plan libéral pour le Canada ”, qui affirmait les droits des Canadiens àêtre consultés de manière régulière et sérieuse sur les questions de politique étrangère afin qu'on y donne suite. Le présent article examine la manière dont une consultation antérieure (Hockin-Simard, 1985–1986) a été réalisée dans le cadre du processus de réexamen de la politique étrangère le plus approfondi et jamais entrepris par le gouvernement fédéral. Il examine les attitudes des fonctionnaires face à cette participation du public ainsi que le leadership essentiel dont le ministre avait besoin pour s'assurer d'obtenir une réponse positive du fonctionnariat aux 121 recommandations des députés. Si l'on veut que les comités parlementaires jouent le rôle d'intermédiaires pour faire accepter des idées à la fois diverses et contradictoires provenant des soumissions du public sur les questions de politique, il est absolument nécessaire qu'il y ait intérêt, participation, et forte intervention de la part du ministre avant que l'acceptation et la Inise en oeuvre des politiques ne deviennent éalité parmi les bureaucrates. Il est beaucoup plus facile d'obtenir l'avis du public que de faire bouger la bureaucratie à réagir à cet avis. Les usages d'administmtion publique doivent subir des ajustements si l'on veut que la démocratisation de la définition des politiques devienne réalité.  相似文献   

10.
Absenteeism has received increasing attention in public sectors across the world. In Canada's federal public service, absenteeism cost the government approximately $871 million in lost wages in 2013 alone (Barkel 2014a ). Current and previous Canadian governments have attempted to reform sick‐leave policy to reduce absenteeism, but simple solutions to a complex problem will likely result in negative and unforeseen consequences. This article conceptualizes absenteeism as a “wicked problem” to explore its complexity. Addressing absenteeism requires a deeper understanding of issues and factors by government representatives, unions, NGOs, and policy experts, which can lead to multifaceted solutions.  相似文献   

11.
Abstract: Policy research institutes, or think-tanks, as journalists and scholars often label them, are attracting considerable exposure in the print and broadcast media. The Fraser Institute, the C.D. Howe Institute, and the Canadian Tax Foundation are among a handful of Canadian think-tanks whose studies are frequently referred to in the press. Yet, despite the increased public visibility of these and other think-tanks, few scholars have considered whether the most frequently cited think-tanks play an important role in other critical stages of the policy-making process. By measuring the relative visibility and policy relevance of a sizeable cross-section of the think-tank population in Canada, this paper demonstrates that not only do think-tanks wield different types of policy influence, but they elect to exercise it at different stages of the policy-making process. More specifically, think-tanks may share a common desire to shape and mould public opinion and public policy, but the priorities they assign to accessing particular stages of the policy cycle vary considerably. Sommaire: Les institute de recherche politique font I'objet de beaucoup d'attention de la part de la presse et des autres média. L'lnstitut Fraser, l'lnstitut C.D. Howe et I'Association canadienne d'études fiscales figurent parmi les quelques instituts dont les études sont souvent citées dans la presse. Malgré la visibilité publique de plus en plus grande de ces instituts, et d'autres encore, très peu d'académiciens se sont pourtant interrogés pour savoir si les instituts les plus souvent cités jouent un rôle important dans d'autres étapes critiques du processus de décision politique. En mesurant la visibilité relative et la pertinence politique d'un gros échantillon de la population d'instituts de ce genre au Canada, cet article démontre qu'en plus d'avoir des effets de types différents sur les politiques, ces instituts choisissent d'exercer leur influence à divers moments du processus de définition des politiques. Plus précisément, ces instituts partagent peut-être le désir commun de former et de moduler I'opinion publique et les politiques gouvernementales, mais la priorité qu'ils accordent aux étapes particulières du cycle d'élaboration des politiques varie de manière considérable.  相似文献   

12.
13.
Abstract: The stages model of the policy process constitutes the conventional wisdom about the policy-making for much of political science and public administration. That model has performed a number of important tasks for these disciplines, but also contains a number of fundamental weaknesses. These include its assumptions concerning linearity and the temporal ordering of the stages, and the difficulty of the model in coping with policy change. Further, outcomes of the stages model tend to be determined by the environment of politics, rather than by the actors and institutions within government. The analysis presented in this article attempts to restore institutions (including the public bureaucracy) to a more appropriate central position in the formulation and determination of policy choices. The use of institutional analysis not only reflects more clearly the complex reality of policy-making and the interaction of organizations within the public sector, but it restores value concerns to a central place in the analysis and interpretation of public policy. Sommaire: Le modèle d'étapes utilisé dans le processus d'élaboration des politiques constitue le modèle conventionnel par excellence pour une bonne partie des sciences politiques et de l'administration publique. Bien que ce modèle ait permis de mener à bien des tâches importantes dans ces disciplines, il fait preuve de faiblesse sur certains points fondamentaux. Mentionnons notamment ses hypothèses sur la linéarité et l'ordonnancement temporel des étapes, ainsi que ses difficultés à tenir compte des changements de politiques. De plus, les résultats obtenus avec ce modèle tendent àêtre déterminés par l'environnement des politiques, plutôt que par les intervenants et les institutions au sein du gouvernement. L'analyse présentée dans cet article tente de redonner aux institutions (dont la bureaucratie publique) la place plus centrale qu'elles méritent dans l'élaboration et la détermination des politiques. Le recours à une analyse institutionnelle ne se contente pas de refléter plus clairement la réalité complexe de l'élaboration des politiques et l'interaction des organisations au sein du secteur public, mais il redonne une place essentielle aux questions de valeurs dans l'analyse et l'interprétation des politiques publiques.  相似文献   

14.
15.
Abstract: Recent analysis of the municipal governing of Canadian census metropolitan areas (cmas) has led to a variety of alternative schemes for reconstituted bi-level institutions. This essay first considers the historical and ideological context for the emergence of two-tier urban governments after World War II. It is then argued that area-wide governments have outgrown their original purposes and have become redundant in the 1990s. It is argued that provincial authorities should assume direct policy control over problems that cannot presently be resolved by the best cooperative efforts of existing municipalities. Sommaire: Une analyse récente de la gestion des régions métropolitaines de recencement (rmr) au Canada a permis d'apporter diverses hypothèses B la réorganisation des institutions municipales à deux niveaw. Dans l'article, on examine d'abord le contexte historique et idéologique dam lequel sont apparus les gouvernements urbains A deux niveawc après la Deuxième guerre mondiale. On y affirme ensuite que les gouvernements régionaux ne correspondent plus h leur fin première, étant devenus désuets au cours des années 90. On y présente l'argument à l'effet que les autorités provinciales devraient s'occuper directement des problèmes que ne peuvent actuellement résoudre les municipalités existantes malgré leurs meilleurs efforts de coopération.  相似文献   

16.
Abstract: Canada's major container ports face considerable challenges from rapid changes in inland and ocean transportation systems. Currently, one of the major issues facing ocean shipping is the surplus supply of available capacity, with the resultant decline in ocean freight rates. Increased vessel efficiency is being sought through economies of scale (larger ships) and reduced vessel operating costs. Larger ships have led to reductions in the numbers of ports at which a vessel will call. The resultant rise of “load centres” means geographically disadvantaged ports will experience decreases in their container traffic throughput. The past few years have witnessed the phenomenal rise of double-stacked container trains travelling from American west coast ports to various inland destinations. A number of Pacific shipping lines are opting for this land-bridging approach to serve east coast destinations rather than by the traditional all-water route via the Panama Canal. Other issues facing Canadian ports include: intermodalism, regulatory reform and improving labour productivity. To effectively compete in today's turbulent ocean shipping and inland transportation environment, Canadian ports will have to monitor and adapt to the rapid changes affecting their container terminal operations. Sommaire: Les principaux ports canadiens sont confrontés à de nombreux défis en raison des changements rapides qui surviennent dans les systèmes de transport à l'intérieur des terres et sur les mers. À l'heure actuelle, l'un des plus grands problèmes vient du fait qu'il y a trop de navires porte-conteneurs, ce qui entraîne une baisse des tarifs d'expédition. On cherche à ce que les bâtiments soient le plus efficace possible en ayant des bateaux plus grands et en réduisant les coûts de fonctionnement. La mise en service de bâtiments plus grands a réduit le nombre de ports où ceux-ci peuvent faire escale. La montée des “centres de chargement” signifie que les ports mal situés géographiquement verront décliner le débit de leur trafic.  相似文献   

17.
This article examines the alignment of different governance arrangements and alternative accountability mechanisms in international development policy making in Canada and the European Union (EU), with a particular focus on relationships between governments and non‐governmental organizations. The Canadian case illustrates an entrepreneurial mode of governance that aligns with fiscal auditing and performance management mechanisms, while the networked governance model of the EU relies more heavily on accountability instruments of public reporting and deliberation. The article concludes that the European accountability regime likely provides policy makers with more opportunities for social policy learning but would be difficult to implement in Canada given the underlying action logic of the federal government.  相似文献   

18.
The multilevel governance literature has matured into a widely used analytical framework for investigating policy processes that span multiple tiers of jurisdiction. However, there are still gaps in this literature. The main objective of this article is to address some of these gaps by proposing a strategic construct of multilevel governance that focuses on informal but longer-time horizons of interjurisdictional cooperation. This strategic approach expands the frame of analysis from prevalent emphasis in the extant literature on limited instances of interjurisdictional coordination to a greater emphasis on sustainable strategic multiscalar partnerships facilitated by municipal-level authorities and non-state actors. The article uses this strategic construct of multilevel governance to analyze the key institutional features of Canada’s innovation policy delivery in southern Ontario. This study illustrates how a strategic construct provides a richer understanding of the highly adaptive and fluid processes of multilevel governance in federal systems.  相似文献   

19.
Abstract: Property taxes are one of the few, important mechanisms through which municipal governments can exercise a measure of autonomy and determine policies that shape their local communities. Property taxes account for almost half of a municipality's own‐source revenues. Ideally, decisions surrounding property‐tax assessments could be based on criteria related to such things as equity, efficiency and stability. A closer examination of property‐tax assessments between property classes in Northern British Columbian municipalities, however, suggests that the setting of tax rates appears to be an incremental, rather than systematic, process that builds on past experiences, current demands, and observation of the practices of nearby municipalities. These findings suggest that property‐tax policy development is a poorly understood process that can have significant implications for the economic health of local municipalities. Sommaire: Les taxes fanciers ne sont que l'un des quelques rares et impotents mécanismes au moyen desquels les Governments municipaux prevent exercer une certain autonomic et determiner les propitious qui faqonnent leurs communautés locales. Les taxes foncières représentent près de la moitié des recettes d'une munici‐palité. En principe, les décisions entourant les évaluations de taxes foncières pour‐raient reposer sur des critères se rapportant à des facteurs comme l'équité, l'efficience et la stabilité. Un examen plus attentif d'évaluations des taxes foncières de différentes catégories dans les municipalités du Nord de la Colombie‐Britannique laisse entendre que l'établissement des taux de taxes semble être un processus pro‐gressif plutôt que systématique, reposant sur les expériences passées, les demandes actuelles et l'observation des pratiques des municipalités environnantes. Ces résul‐tats donnent à penser que l'élaboration d'une politique en matière de taxes foncières est un processus mal compris qui pourrait avoir d'importantes répercussions sur la santééconomique des municipalités locales.  相似文献   

20.
Challenges in distinguishing between core policy and operational decisions in the public policy process have spawned a legal grey area in Canadian public administration. Governments are immune from civil liability for policy decisions made by the cabinet yet they remain exposed to liability for operational decisions by public servants. We seek to raise awareness of this nexus within the Canadian public administration community by drawing on key interviews with lawyers, former attorneys general, a former premier, a former judge and a legal scholar. We explain that demarcating policy from operational decisions relies on written documentation that is difficult to locate and may not exist. Clarity is desired, but Canadian courts are reluctant to overrule a public authority’s opinion, which is based on socio-economic and political considerations. We conclude with observations for public administrators.  相似文献   

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