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1.
This article provides a critical next step in scholarship on climate change litigation's regulatory role. It creates a model for understanding the direct and indirect regulatory roles of this litigation. It then applies this model to the United States and Australia, two key jurisdictions for climate change lawsuits, in order to explore the regulatory pathways that this litigation has taken, is taking, and likely will take. This analysis helps to illuminate the ways in which litigation influences regulation and forms part of climate change governance.  相似文献   

2.
Child custody evaluations (CCEs) are a central feature of parenting litigation in many North American jurisdictions. However, there has been little recent research comparing CCE decisions about children's interests with decisions made by judges. This article presents empirical research about the extent to which Ontario judges accept custody and access recommendations from CCEs employed by Ontario's Office of the Children's Lawyer. The central finding was that the judges fully agreed with the CCEs only about half of the time. Possible explanations for this finding are explored, the most salient of which is the effect of delay in Ontario family litigation. In conclusion, the article suggests that a more efficient synthesis of the judicial and CCE decision‐making processes might be more consonant with the best interests of children involved in these disputes.  相似文献   

3.
Despite its rampant presence, judicial corruption in China has often been regarded as the idiosyncratically deviant behavior of a few black sheep eluding prescribed judicial conduct. This entrenched assumption has both discouraged in‐depth investigation of the phenomenon of judicial corruption and inhibited proper understanding of the functioning of China's courts. This article, based on an empirically grounded examination of the processing of court rulings tainted by corruption, showed that judicial corruption in China is an institutionalized activity systemically inherent in the particular decision‐making mechanism guided by the Chinese Communist Party's instrumental rule‐by‐law ideal. In investigating what has contributed to the institutionalization of judicial corruption, the interplay between law and party politics in China's courts was also examined. The findings, therefore, also shed light on behind‐the‐courtroom judicial activities and on the enduring perplexity of the gap between the law in the book and the law in action.  相似文献   

4.
Ke Li 《Law & policy》2015,37(3):153-179
Sociolegal research has shed considerable light on gender inequality in the civil justice system. Existing research, however, rarely looks beyond court proceedings to examine gender inequality stemming from the prior stages in civil litigation. This article fills the gap by addressing the question of whether and how the early moments in disputing produce inequality between women and men. Based on a mixed‐methods study of divorce litigation in China, I identify two critical moments in the early stages in disputing: the initiation stage and the suit‐filing stage. Findings from the two stages indicate that, early on in disputing, the legal profession routinely dismisses and violates women's rights in marriage and family. Moreover, due to the legal profession's failure to convert important rights on the books into formal claims, women's marital grievances and rights claims fall through cracks long before they can enter court proceedings. These findings suggest that gender inequality can result not only from judicial decision making, but also from dispute processing conducted prior to—and outside of—court proceedings.  相似文献   

5.
We examine judges’ role in civil litigation by studying empirically the relationship between judicial procedural involvement (JPI) and lawsuits’ mode of disposition (MoD). Furthermore, we propose JPI as a metric for the allocation of judicial attention to litigants. Applying the framework to Israeli trial court data, we find that 60 per cent of cases included JPI (through hearings and rulings on motions) whereas 40 per cent involved only the court's institutional function. By juxtaposing JPI and MoD data, we shed light on the scope of judicial involvement in settlements, the ratio between judges’ normative public-life function and their problem-solving function, and other pertinent questions. Since nowadays lawsuits are rarely adjudicated, trial rates are low, and litigants in person (pro se litigants) are common, we argue that access to justice should also be construed in terms of access to judicial attention throughout the proceeding, which is readily measurable through JPI.  相似文献   

6.
In developing Chinese legislation on public environmental lawsuits, it is not only to amend the Constitution, Law on Environmental Protection, Civil Procedure Law and Criminal Procedure Law from the aspect of legislative system, but also revise environmental regulations and judicial interpretation. In specific regulations, it is to explicitly define the scope of environmental citizen lawsuits to be accepted and heard by court, conditions of subjects, preconditions of litigation, procedures and rules for hearings, petitions of plaintiffs, modes and conditions for presenting evidence, which should not only affirm citizens’ environmental rights, extend the scope of environmental damages and the scope of cases that indirect individuals can exercise the right to sue, but also establish litigation intervention system, environmental public prosecution system, and charging standard for the participation of attorneys.  相似文献   

7.
Social scientists have reported extensively on the impact of Supreme Court decisions overturning public policy, but not on those sustaining it. This article stresses the need to study the impact of litigation, including the impact of losing lawsuits. Presenting data on the impact of San Antonio Independent School District v. Rodriguez, the article demonstrates how a losing lawsuit can produce positive policy change from the consumer's perspective. After comparing the policy aftermath of Rodriguez with that of two winning school-finance cases, I suggest that the final judicial decision may not be the most significant event in litigation stimulating policy change.  相似文献   

8.
About 37 state constitutions around the world feature non‐justiciable thick moral commitments (‘constitutional directives’). These directives typically oblige the state to redistribute income and wealth, guarantee social minimums, or forge a religious or secular identity for the state. They have largely been ignored in a constitutional scholarship defined by its obsession with the legitimacy of judicial review and hostility to constitutionalising thick moral commitments other than basic rights. This article presents constitutional directives as obligatory telic norms, addressed primarily to the political state, which constitutionalise thick moral objectives. Their full realisation—through increasingly sophisticated mechanisms designed to ensure their political enforcement—is deferred to a future date. They are weakly contrajudicative in that these duties are not directly enforced by courts. Functionally, they help shape the discourse over a state's constitutional identity, and regulate its political and judicial organs. Properly understood, they are a key tool to realise a morally‐committed conception of political constitutionalism.  相似文献   

9.
论股东派生诉讼制度   总被引:4,自引:0,他引:4  
李爱欣  朱强 《河北法学》2004,22(2):138-140
股东诉讼是保护股东权益的一项重要制度,随着《中华人民共和国公司法》(以下简称《公司法》)的实施,股东派生诉讼案件已不乏其例,并呈上升趋势,有些司法实践上的问题亟待解决。分析该制度的价值,并从原告股东资格、股东派生诉讼的前置程序问题、股东派生诉讼被告的确立以及股东派生诉讼的激励机制、约束机制等方面进行评析。  相似文献   

10.
Prior research found that the Chinese patent system is more pro-patentee than once believed. Patent owners performed much better in both infringement lawsuits and post-grant validity reviews in China than in many other countries, such as the United States and Germany. Also, after a finding of infringement, Chinese courts were quite lenient with regard to permanent injunctions. All these pro-patentee tendencies, together with the rapid growth of China's software industry, cast doubt on the prevalence of troll activities in China. This article analyzes 3435 patent infringement lawsuits decided by local people's courts in China in 2015 and 2016 and provides some valuable insights into two important questions: how often do patent trolls litigate in China, and do they adopt different litigation tactics from practicing entities? Based on empirical data, this article finds that, interestingly, both the number and the size of patent trolls in China are relatively small. Although nearly half (1534, or 44.7%) of all patent infringement lawsuits were initiated by non-practicing entities (NPEs), individual inventors, instead of professional businesses, accounted for an overwhelming majority of all NPE cases (1528, or 99.6%). Patent assertion entities (PAEs), by contrast, only initiated four out of 3435 cases (0.1%) in the two-year period under review. If only patents in the computer industry are taken into consideration, then PAEs initiated zero computer-related lawsuits. Nonetheless, this article does observe some trollish litigation tactics worthy of attention and further research. There were 47 repeat litigants – litigants who initiated 10 or more cases; some performed “commercial enforcement,” asserting patents against multiple small retailers instead of against one large manufacturer; and patent owners, on average, waited for a rather long time before enforcing their patents in China. All these behaviors may introduce bias to the incentives to innovate and put pressure on the overall functioning of the Chinese patent system.  相似文献   

11.
明清时期,我国一些区域尤其是江南地区是否已如学界所言形成了“健讼”民风?徽州文书特别是诉讼文书档案并未证实。透过徽州文书可以看出,州县司法由于理讼效率低下、民刑程序不分、贪腐横行及交通困阻等因素,给民众造成了巨大的讼累。在官司讼累余悸之下,百姓自然形成了通过民间调处尽快了结纠纷的选择偏好,在州县司法的告诉前、审理中与判决后三个阶段,民间调解均发挥着全方位的重要作用。这一偏好的形成,与民间调处成本、低效率高,官府对民间调解的鼓励依赖,以及民间调处更有利于修复关系等原因有关。传统官僚政治体制的公共服务能力(特别是理讼能力)的严重缺陷,只能由民间社会的有限自治功能(特别是解纷自治功能)来加以弥补。  相似文献   

12.
Although judicial empowerment has become increasingly common worldwide, the expansion of judicial powers in authoritarian countries faces persistent obstacles, such as institutional dependence, lack of political clout, and the repression of civil society. Through empirically examining three cases of environmental legal entrepreneurship under China's new public interest litigation (PIL) system, this study aims to reevaluate the patterns and limits of judicial expansion under authoritarianism. It finds that Chinese judges, prosecutors, and NGOs have been able to leverage the PIL system and their respective institutional advantages to substantially expand judicial oversight on eco-environmental protection. However, the state has established boundaries for such legal entrepreneurship in terms of subject matter, institutional autonomy, and geographic reach, effectively confining them within political spheres considered unthreatening to the regime. Such quarantined judicial expansion shields relevant actors from authoritarian governments' tendency to suppress legal mobilization and thus may be a more viable form of judicial expansion in nondemocratic settings.  相似文献   

13.
由于没有明确的立法规定,“或裁或审”条款的性质与类型在认定上十分模糊,因此各级人民法院经常在该问题上产生混乱。例如,“或裁或审”条款与“一裁终局”条款相混淆,多份协议与单一协议中的“或裁或审”条款相模糊,以及对《最高人民法院关于适用〈中华人民共和国仲裁法〉若干问题的解释》(以下简称《仲裁法司法解释》)第7条的理解不一致等。虽然最高人民法院发布的司法解释或指导性案例能为各级人民法院在“或裁或审”条款的性质与类型的定性中提供指引,但并不能从根本上解决《仲裁法司法解释》第7条中对于仲裁协议无效的规定。纵观各国对于既约定仲裁又约定诉讼的条款的态度,我国对于仲裁无效的判定过于严厉,这与我国正在推进建立亚太国际仲裁中心的政策考量不入。只有对法律制度的突破与变更才能在实质上修正立法的滞后性。先管辖先受理原则的借鉴,不仅可以为维护当事人意思自治提供出路,而且可以为我国鼓励与支持仲裁的发展消弭弊端。  相似文献   

14.
"以审判为中心"的政法政策同样适用于行政诉讼制度改革,它要求法院发挥自身司法能力和司法制度能力,有效地介入涉法行政争议之中,并藉此保护法益。在行政诉讼中,司法权与行政权之间是法律监督上的国家权力结构关系。法院优位于行政机关,法院作为独立裁判者指挥诉讼管理关系和裁判过程。以审判为中心的行政诉讼制度构造,应最大限度地发挥法院司法能力在解决行政争议上的优位角色,应完整地发挥行政诉讼法的制度能力,即发挥立法、司法解释、司法组织及指导性案例的制度功能。行政诉讼司法准入、行政机关负责人出庭应诉、诉讼管辖、庭审制度等,是否体现了"以审判为中心"的制度改革方向,主要看其是否有利于行政争议的实质解决和法益有效保护。"多元化纠纷解决机制"政策和行政行为合法性审查为中心的行政诉讼制度,影响了法院的诉讼角色和功能。回归司法权和诉讼制度本质,宜在行政争议、行政行为和法益之间构造出一致性的诉讼结构关系;宜从组织和体制改革转向程序改革,发挥行政程序和司法程序在塑造司法公正和司法效率上的作用。  相似文献   

15.
During the process of ratification of the Lisbon Treaty, a number of constitutional jurisdictions were activated by political actors. In playing ‘the judicial card’, opponents of ratification decided to seek political goals through judicial means, and thus they were obliged to develop litigation strategies. This article explores such strategies and the responses that courts gave them. It shows that constitutional proceedings with regards to the Lisbon Treaty became a political battleground governed by legal logics, in which the interpretation of European clauses, the democratic deficit of the Union and the tensions underlying the European judicial dialogue were privileged objects of discussion between claimants and courts in which law and politics intertwined.  相似文献   

16.
Housing demolition has been one of the major sources of social conflict in contemporary China. Drawing on evidence collected in fieldwork investigations, this article examines the pressure of protest‐supported housing demolition litigation and its impacts. It finds that under the pressure of litigation, the courts have devised coping mechanisms to constrain the housing demolition authorities, and that social change angling toward more transparency and accountability has occurred. The article argues that this change is made possible as the maintenance of social stability has become not only the paramount concern of the regime, but also the performance assessment criterion for local officials and judges. The findings deepen our understanding of the causes and consequences of judicial empowerment in China and shed light on the dynamics of judicial politics in other regimes.  相似文献   

17.
Cheit, Ross E. 2014 . The Witch‐Hunt Narrative: Politics, Psychology, and the Sexual Abuse of Children . New York: Oxford University Press. Pp. xvii + 508. $49.95 cloth. The prosecution of child sex abuse in cases involving very young children presents difficult problems for the justice system. Ross Cheit's book The Witch‐Hunt Narrative: Politics, Psychology, and the Sexual Abuse of Children (2014) addresses these problems in the context of the 1980s cases involving daycare centers. While the conventional conclusion drawn from these cases is that young children are not credible witnesses, Cheit's examination of the trial records in these cases reveals credible evidence of abuse in many, as well as evidence of injustice attributable to untrained and/or overenthusiastic interviewers. Cheit's examination of this litigation provides an opportunity to evaluate the legal system's treatment of child witnesses in sex abuse cases, as well as to discuss the appropriate use of social scientific evidence in litigation, the impact of mass media accounts on public policy, and the respective merits of criminal versus civil lawsuits in child sex abuse cases.  相似文献   

18.
Cesare Pinelli 《Ratio juris》2015,28(2):267-285
Niccolò Machiavelli's support for what he calls governo largo, or popular government, is usually contrasted with the diffidence towards it of Francesco Guicciardini, the Florentine aristocrat. The article argues that both these authors grounded their vision on Polybius' theory of “mixed government,” though adapting it in different directions. In examining this difference, the article reaches the conclusion that it concerns far less the degree of popular participation in political decision‐making and government than the value that Machiavelli and Guicciardini respectively ascribe to it in comparison with that of safety‐liberty (or legal certainty). In this respect, their theories may be viewed as anticipating the tensions between democracy and the rule of law, the co‐presence of which provides the essential foundation of the structure of present‐day constitutional democracies.  相似文献   

19.
Detractors have long criticized the use of courts to achieve social change because judicial victories tend to provoke counterproductive political backlashes. Backlash arguments typically assert or imply that if movement litigators had relied on democratic rather than judicial politics, their policy victories would have been better insulated from opposition. We argue that these accounts wrongly assume that the unilateral decision by a group of movement advocates to eschew litigation will lead to a reduced role for courts in resolving the relevant policy and political conflicts. To the contrary, such decisions will often result in a policy field with judges every bit as active, but with the legal challenges initiated and framed by the advocates' opponents. We document this claim and explore its implications for constitutional politics via a counterfactual thought experiment rooted in historical case studies of litigation involving abortion and the right to die.  相似文献   

20.
杨秀清  谢凡 《河北法学》2020,38(5):42-65
环境民事公益诉讼在司法实践中已得到大量运用,但其存在以下法律适用上的问题:第一,在对具体个案是环境民事公益诉讼还是其他私益诉讼的性质判断上,现有裁判存在显著差异。第二,在环境民事公益诉讼与类似案件的审理中,不同案件裁判者在程序选择与裁判结果上也呈现各异的走向。原因在于该诉的法律适用中存在"公共利益"等现有民事法律体系难以评价的规范性构成要件。究其根源,是该诉的独立请求权基础尚未得到明确。因此裁判者在审案时通过"借用"环境侵权之诉等类似诉讼请求权基础进行涵摄时,其法律适用过程就容易产生混同。明确环境民事公益诉讼请求权并精细该诉的法律规则,有助于环境民事公益诉讼程序的公正运行与裁判结果的日趋统一。  相似文献   

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