以科学发展观为引领在构建和谐校园中创新大学生思想政治教育

大学生思想政治教育具有宣传、激励、调节、育人、导向功能,在构建和谐校园中起着关键性作用。在新时期新形势下,构建和谐高校校园,要求大学生思想政治教育工作要以科学发展观为引领,坚持以人为本,在观念、机制、内容、形式、方法、队伍等方面积极创新,才能不断适应新情况、解决新问题,推动构建和谐高校校园目标的实现。     

解读童真鲁迅

鲁迅其人其作,历来研究者甚多,然而就其童真童心一面作出解读的甚少,本文就此话题进行分析。文章主要分四个部分:一、父与子;二、走出曲解;三、救救孩子;四、童心童趣。如果说,前期的青年鲁迅还一门心思地认为只有新生的、孩童的、青年的世界才是纯真无瑕的世界的话,那么随着碰壁的到来,他逐渐清醒地认识到,在一个腐朽崩颓的世界中,即使是孩子,也会受到污染,也会变成他深恶痛绝的那一类人。救救孩子,保持童心童真,这不仅是鲁迅当年的呼声,也是当代的现实问题之一。     

实验主义治理：公共治理的一个新路径

实验主义治理秉持以现实问题为导向和以经验证据为支撑的实证理念和循证品格,在纵向放权的基础上通过目标设置、差异探索、治理评估、政策迭代和政策扩散等机制探寻政策改进和治理优化的可行路径。作为一种新的治理模式,它的兴起是为了应对治理复杂性的挑战、弥补科层式治理的不足和探寻治理现代化的路径等。实验主义治理模式注重纵向放权、公众参与和多元协作,改善了公共治理主体间的关系,提升了治理的参与性、科学性和有效性,是科层式治理模式的重要补充。但在实践中,实验主义治理也面临着法治困境、创新困境和合作困境等现实难题。在我国推进治理体系与治理能力现代化的背景下,应当协调好实验主义治理中创新与法治的内在张力,完善治理体制与机制,提升实验主义治理的实践效能,从而使其在全面深化改革进程中发挥更大的作用。     

‘Venona’: the British dimension

‘Venona’ remains the greatest secret of the Cold War yet to be declassified, and offers the pieces of a jigsaw that, when assembled and interpreted, reveals the identities of dozens of Soviet agents who participated in GRU and NKVD networks across the globe between 1940 and 1948. Among them, operating in London, were Professor J.B.S Haldane, codenamed ‘Intelligentsia’, and Lord Swaythling's son, the Honourable Ivor Montagu, appropriately codenamed ‘Nobility’. Contained in the sometimes partially decrypted texts are clues to hundreds of other, as yet unexposed, spies, active in Australia, Mexico, Sweden, the United States, Britain, and numerous other countries. Betrayed by William Wiesband and Kim Philby, the ‘Venona’ project failed to find the traitor known as ‘Baron’ inside the wartime GCHQ, but was responsible for the arrest of Klaus Fuchs, confirming the guilt of Alger Hiss, Donald Maclean and the Rosenbergs, supporting the allegations of Whittaker Chambers and Elizabeth Bentley, and sparking off molehunts on three continents. ‘Venona’ sheds important new light on the assassination of Trotsky, Soviet penetration of the Manhattan project at Los Alamos and Berkeley, and reveals high-level espionage in the White House, OSS, the State Department and virtually every government department in Washington DC.     

新形势下进一步推进高校党风廉政建设的思考

党的十七大以来,高校大力开展党风廉政建设工作,积累了丰富经验,并取得了明显成效。但随着高校参与经济活动越来越频繁,党风廉政建设工作遇到了许多新情况和新问题,存在认识不清晰、体制机制不完善、组织机构不健全、监督乏力等不足。这些问题的存在严重制约着高校党风廉政建设的发展水平。因此,在新形势下全面推进高校党风廉政建设,必须把党风廉政建设纳入高校教育事业发展和党的建设全局之中：全面摸清实情,增强渗透力;加强制度建设,提高保障力;增强监督实效,提升制衡力;创新体制机制,扩大影响力。     

基层公职人员经济违纪因素实证分析

针对现阶段基层公职人员经济类违纪发案率较高的实际情况，根据文献研究结论、纪检办案流程研究与办案人员经验总结等，确定了基层公职人员经济类违纪因素的18个问卷调查指标，随机问卷调查了104件基层公职人员经济类违纪案件。对问卷调查结果进行探索性因子分析，萃取出5大类违纪共性因素，即法纪保健因素、思想道德因素、工作激励因素、监督制约因素、廉洁自律因素。以处分结果变量为因变量、萃取出的5大类因子作为自变量，采用逐步多元回归分析方法，得出违纪的基层公职人员3大类经济类违纪主要因素，即法纪道德因素、思想道德因素和监督制约因素。根据实证研究的结果，提出了加大查案力度，强化廉政教育，加强监督制约等预防建议。     

Social security: a program and policy history

Many of the federal and state programs that provide income security to U.S. families have their roots in the Social Security Act (the Act) of 1935. This Act provided for unemployment insurance, old-age insurance, and means-tested welfare programs. The Great Depression was clearly a catalyst for the Social Security Act of 1935, and some of its provisions--notably the means-tested programs--were intended to offer immediate relief to families. However, the old-age insurance program-the precursor to today's Old-Age, Survivors, and Disability Insurance, or Social Security, program-was not designed specifically to deal with the economic crisis of that era. Indeed, monthly benefit payments, under the original Act, were not scheduled to begin until 1942. In addition, from the beginning, the Social Security program has embodied social insurance principles that were widely discussed even before the onset of the Great Depression. The first four decades of the Social Security program were, in general, ones of expansion. In fact, the program was expanded even before it became truly operational. In 1939, amendments added child, spouse, and survivor benefits to the retirement benefits authorized by the 1935 Act. Those amendments also allowed for monthly benefits to begin in 1940. Although the program was not changed substantially during the war years and the initial postwar period, the 1950s were a transformational decade in the program's history: benefit amounts were increased substantially, coverage under the program became close to universal, and a new disability insurance benefit was offered. The 1960s witnessed additional growth in Social Security, but the most important development in social insurance occurred in health insurance, with the creation of the Medicare program in 1965. Legislative actions in the 1970s had profound effects on the Social Security program and, indeed, set the stage for many of today's reform debates. Large benefit increases, a new benefit formula that was erroneously generous, and other changes in the early 1970s created a situation in which annual program costs, as a share of gross domestic product, increased during a 12-year period from about 3 percent to 5 percent. In 1977, amendments to the Act corrected the flawed benefit formula and made other changes in the financing of the system to shore up the program. Thus, the 1970s represent a watershed in the program's history-program growth gave way to increasing concerns about the program's finances. Those concerns were reflected in the amendments to the Act in 1983, which were the last major changes to the program. These amendments, based largely on recommendations from a commission chaired by Alan Greenspan, adjusted benefits and taxes to address pressing near-term financing problems faced by the system. Although the Greenspan Commission focused to a large extent on short-range issues, the resulting reforms have generated large surpluses in the program and the buildup of a substantial trust fund. However, the looming retirement of the baby boomers and several other demographic factors will, according to projections, result in the exhaustion of the trust fund by 2042.     

我国离婚率变动趋势及离婚态人群特征分析

从概念辨识入手,利用权威数据,描述近几十年我国离婚率和离婚态的变动趋势及水平。研究发现:我国的离婚率持续增长,超过日本与韩国;因年轻人口总量减少,可结婚人的比例下降,离婚结婚比持续上升。数据分析显示,1982年以来,我国离婚态占比单调上升:就人群特征而言,35-49岁年龄组、男性、中等教育程度人群(1990年除外)、商业服务人员和办事人员(1990年除外)离婚态占比最高,女性的离婚态占比较之男性上升趋势更为明显;就地域分布而言,各省处于离婚态人群的占比呈西高东低、北高南低趋势,东北地区及西部省区城市人群离婚态占比最高。离婚率和离婚态的持续攀升是多重制度、城镇化与市场化结构、家庭与个体特质等因素综合作用的结果。离婚不仅透视出家庭的不稳定性,损害(部分)家庭成员福祉,而且可能引发更大范围的负面效应。在尊重当事人意愿的前提下,必须从源头、过程和后果上加强对离婚行为的社会治理,减少不必要的离婚现象。     

国学与和合学

当今,人类共同面临的是一个病态的世界,是一个充满着错综复杂的冲突和危机的世界。概而言之,人与自然、社会、人际、心灵、文明之间的冲突带来生态、社会、道德、精神和信仰以及价值危机。人类的这些病态不是在减少,而是在扩大,世界上任何地区、国家、民族、宗教以至个人,都在深受其害。依据中华民族五千多年来特别丰富的国学人文资源,以及人与自然、社会、人际、心灵、文明之间交往所积累的宝贵经验和智慧主体卓越的洞见,可以提出国学和合学的和生、和处、和立、和达、和爱五大原理,作为化解人类病态、建构和谐世界的基本原理。     

数说盘锦三十年

改革路行三十载，困难与机遇共存，挑战和希望并举。盘锦经济实力显著提升，小康目标率先实现，产业结构优化升级，所有制结构多元发展，投资建设结硕果，工业园区成规模，财政实力增强，税收贡献突出。百万盘锦人民，同心同德，利用机遇，挑战困难，收获着前人的梦想，谱写着自己光荣创业的乐章。     

黑龙江扎龙自然保护区湿地保护的问题及法律对策

由于人口的迅速增加,经济活动的不断深入,再加上扎龙保护区湿地保护的法律意识不强,执法不力,保护滞后等原因,使目前该地区湿地资源破坏比较严重,生物类型、数量急剧减少,水体污染,过度盲目开发等等问题十分严峻。立足于该地区湿地的实际以及目前存在的主要问题,充分借鉴其他相关区域的经验和模式,打破传统的仅靠立法就能解决湿地问题的观点,科学分析,通过立法、执法、司法相互结合,构造起一个相对科学、系统的湿地保护法治体系,从而能真正地应用到实践中去解决问题,服务地方经济;同时,通过对扎龙地区湿地保护法律问题研究,能够为湿地保护的全国立法提供了良好的经验,推进我国湿地保护的法治进程。     

Discomforts of Victory: Democracy,Liberal Values and Nationalism in Post-Communist Europe

This article tries to identify the main threats to post-communist liberal democracies, especially those perils related to the weakness of pluralist traditions, institutions, and values and the rise of movements and ideologies rooted in cultural and political malaise, ressentiment, and disaffection. Nine such perils are identified in the second half of the article, including Leninist legacies, salvationist popular sentiments, the rhetoric of reactionary nostalgia, the fluidity of political formations, the crisis of values, authority, and accountability, and the tensions between individualistic and communitarian values. The concern here is with a diagnosis of the main vulnerabilities of Eastern Europe's post-communist states in order to evaluate prospects for further democratic consolidation and risks for the rise and affirmation of ethnocratic parties and movements. Understanding the post-communist political and cultural situation, including persistent isolationist, anti-globalisation, populist and nationalist trends, is of critical importance for interpreting the main directions these countries will pursue in their efforts to join the European Union institutions.     

Long-term disability programs in selected countries

In 1985, the Social Security Administration commissioned an 18-month research project to study disability in eight industrialized countries: Austria, Canada, Finland, the Federal Republic of Germany, Israel, the Netherlands, Sweden, and the United Kingdom. The study focused on three key areas: (1) the initial determination of disability, (2) the methods of monitoring disability, and (3) the incentives to return to work. Although the study revealed great variations among the countries in the definition of long-term disability, the approach followed in providing benefits, and the organization and features of the programs, some basic similarities were also found. Among the similarities are: (1) most countries have several income-maintenance programs to protect workers in the event that they are disabled, and (2) the disability test to determine whether a person is eligible for a disability benefit is ambiguous in that the various programs each have different eligibility criteria, different definitions of disability, different considerations given to labor-market conditions, and so forth. This article examines the diversity among the countries and attempts to highlight unique approaches to adjudicating disability, providing linkages to rehabilitation, and creating incentives for returning to work.     

反腐新思维：以利益背反打破攻守同盟

现有法律同时惩罚行贿者和受贿者，为“同时惩罚方案”，往往导致双方的利益攻守同盟，不利于高效反腐。“利益背反方案”提出了反腐新思维，能够打破腐败中的攻守同盟。此方案将行贿受贿分为受贿阶段与完成阶段。在受贿阶段，只要受贿者主动坦白，则他不但无过，反而有功，而对行贿者则予以惩罚；在完成阶段则相反。若此，在任一阶段都有且只有一方获利并且有且只有一方受损，于是形成双方利益与风险的多重背反；同时，任何一方自身的利益与风险也是背反的，即利益越大风险反而越小，利益越小风险反而越大。于是，双方成为利益敌人，从而打破攻守同盟。此外，利益背反还具有中立性、操作性很强、反腐败成本很低、适用范围很广等优点。     

Forming Political Culture and Marketing Strategies in a Central-European Setting

ABSTRACT

Having analyzed the different strategies used in the 1998 and 2002 parliamentary election campaigns with reference to the 1990 and 1994 campaigns, we can conclude that the Hungarian election conventions and culture are still in a state of experimentation and exploration. In contrast with American election traditions, in Hungary, not the individual (with the exception of the Alliance of Young Democrats), but the party image is what counts, though, in this respect, considerable changes could be observed during the last few years. The Hungarian political palette is much too fragmented, and this sets a barrier to the necessary desire for creating a suitable forum for the debate of the party leaders and for the declaration of party politics. At present, the party programme reaches the citizens just in implicit, hidden, often symbolic forms of messages.

While the symbols of the left-wing parties were sketchy, unskillful, too rational, and not giving much space for emotional influence, the right-wing parties gave too large of a dose of different symbols, which were emotional rather than rational. This lack of balance made the campaigns superficial, irrational, sometimes misleading, and abnormal. This feeling of abnormality was strengthened by the fact that the overdose on the part of the right wing was not limited to the campaign period, but the emotional shocking started much earlier. The state of excitement, which was spread in time, actually started in the spring of 1998, and even if there were fluctuations, the general mood of the last four years was characterised by the dug-out hatchet. The political opinion of the Orbán party was clearly expressed by their metaphors. The message of the sentences like 'it is more than change of government, less than change of regime,' 'attacking on the whole field,' 'we change the telephone directories,' etc., was unambiguous: combative four years are coming. During their campaign, 'setting up a record' was realized between the two rounds after the failure in the first round and was still going on showing the election failure, which came about in democratic circumstances (Galló Béla, 2002, 93).

One could hardly judge the effectiveness of agenda building, though some of the crucial social questions appeared as cue words and sentences in the mediated messages of parties (for example, family, health care, education, joining the European Union). Hungarian campaigning, compared to the American presidential election campaign, is colorless and rife with technical and rhetorical errors, and it is a competition without any coherence where the citizen is very often just a means of, but not the goal in, the struggle of the parties.     

立法后评估中的公众参与“虚置”及治理路径

作为检验立法实效、提升立法质量、促进法律体系完善的立法后评估制度已逐渐在全国范围内展开实践。然而,在这种多方主体的博弈中,公众当前只是一种被动型或者功能型的“虚置”参与,无法发挥其积极性、主体性的作用。公众参与立法后评估的实践困境具体表现为:参与主体的构成失衡、参与内容的模糊、参与方式的“指令化”及参与效果的抑制。要突破这一困境,须正确认识公众参与评估的价值,从意识、制度、参与的指向及参与效果等方面构建参与路径,实现立法后评估中公众参与的有效性和制度化。     

当前我国政策绩效的价值取向解读

理论上,政策绩效不同于政策结果之处在于它对其内在价值及其行为方式改变的特别关注,因而具有较强的价值意蕴.政策绩效在社会转型中的"应然"状态与"实然"现实之间的差别,就是政策问题存在的闭区间.在此基础上,公共政策的自由裁量权、公共政策的回应性、有效性、公共性、公民精神以及治理、善治等作为一种"绩效指标",对政策绩效及其实现程度等都有很大的影响.社会转型时期各种特质的社会问题的大量积聚、政府主导的政策模式、公民社会的不健全等,首先作为一种"自变量",影响着当下我国的现实政策绩效,某种程度上决定了公共政策的自由裁量权、回应性、有效性、公共性、公民精神等的存在形式和发生作用路径;另一方面,作为"因变量",它们被嵌入不同的制度运行、政策实践以及社会生活的各个环节中,成为一种既定的公共政策价值取向,决定着当下各种利益诉求、利益整合、利益分配、利益落实等的性质和内容.在技术和价值之间,政策绩效找到了其存在的基本空间.     

An overview of OASDI revenue, expenditures, and beneficiaries, 1974-85

This article compares the revenue, expenditures, and beneficiary population under the old-age, survivors, and disability insurance program in 1984-85 with the experience for earlier years. The tables and charts presented here examine such topics as the population covered by the program, the increase in the number of beneficiaries, the rise in average benefit amounts, and the growth in the proportion of dually entitled and very old beneficiaries. Like the preceding feature, the article is based on published data of the Social Security Administration's Office of Research, Statistics, and International Policy--in this case, they come entirely from various issues of the Annual Statistical Supplement to the Social Security Bulletin.     

黑社会性质组织行为的认定

随着刑法打击方向和力度的变化,黑社会性质组织的行为也不断翻新。与传统违法犯罪相比,其行为实现了四个转变:由硬暴力向软暴力转变,由内生暴力向雇佣暴力转变,由犯罪行为向违法活动转变,由并联向串联转变。与此相伴,司法认定和适用中也面临着一些困扰和问题,如违法犯罪活动累计次数统计欠妥,非法手段与合法手段处理失当,对暴力雇佣行为认定混乱,黑社会性质组织行为的违法性排除不当等。因此,对黑社会性质组织行为的认定要有新思路,活动次数应予明确,行为的暴力基础不应忽略,雇佣行为应区别对待,另外还要注意行为认定须与结构层级相联系。