History and Political Communication: An Introduction

This essay introduces a series of articles that explore the relation of history to political communication research. It is shown that as a field of study political communication has tended to ignore historical methods and sensibilities. This tendency is traced to the field's roots in social psychology, political science, and early mass communication research. However, although political communication tends to ignore historical research, it often depends upon implicit, unquestioned historical narratives. Thus, a more robust historical imagination is encouraged not only because it may produce more and better historical research, but also because it may assist in the development of tools for reflecting on the way political communication already deploys historical narratives.     

世人关注的"世界社会论坛"

2002年1月31日～2月5日,作为中国国际交流协会(以下简称中国交协)理事,笔者同交协研究人员杜燕凌和朱玲玲应邀参加在巴西阿雷格里港市召开的第2届"世界社会论坛"大会.中国代表首次与会,受到东道主的重视."世界社会论坛"虽然不发表正式文件,但它讨论了涉及全世界基层劳动者及整个人类的诸多问题,引起广泛关注.     

国际政治学研究的一部力作--评《国际政治文化学导论》

世界上有一种力量比强权和暴力更恒久、更有感召力,那就是文化的力量.在全球化迅猛发展的形势下,文化因素在国际政治中的影响日渐上升.     

Colloquy: Political Communication Scholarship in France

Undoubtedly, framing political issues is an effective means of influencing the distribution of opinion. But while most studies have shown the effectiveness of alternative issue frames on opinion, they largely ignore the role of the messenger. Our research examines whether message content or messengers are more important in influencing opinion. Four experimental conditions and a control were embedded in a statewide survey, allowing an explicit comparison between the impact of frames comprising message content alone and the same frames attributed to public figures identified with physician-assisted suicide. Results show that an attributed source is no more effective than content alone in influencing opinion on physician-assisted suicide and that the messenger might in fact reduce the intended influence of the message. We conclude with a discussion of our findings within the larger literature on political persuasion and attitude change.     

Political Communication on Arab World Television: Evolving Patterns

This article identifies political communication patterns taking shape on Arab world television. Three distinct patterns of political communication are described. In the traditional government-controlled television pattern, official government policies seem to inspire the form and substance of TV's framing of events and issues. In the reformist government-controlled television pattern, while official stands set the parameters of news coverage, professional newswork practices unfamiliar in traditional government-controlled television are well noted. In the liberal commercial pattern, American-style journalism seems to define television's handling of events and issues. To shed light on these patterns, the writer conducts a supplementary analysis of how three television broadcasters representing the three political communication patterns - Syrian Satellite Channel (SSC), Abu Dhabi Satellite Channel (ADSC), and Al-Jazeera Satellite Channel (JSC) - frame national and regional politics in their news programs.     

Introduction: Communication and Civic Engagement in Comparative Perspective

The present era is defined by sweeping changes in economies, social institutions, political party systems, and communication processes in many nations. These changes go by various names from globalization to poststructuralism. The impact of these tectonic shifts in the political foundations of nations is greatly debated. In particular, considerable uncertainty surrounds the effects of various changes on the importance of politics for individual citizens and for the kinds of civic activities that people engage in and even regard as political. This is an important time for communication scholars to develop comparative frameworks that bring conceptions of social change together with how people located in various cultural, demographic, and audience groups define their relations to government and, more broadly, to civil society. At stake is our understanding of the role of communication in shaping these political relations, and in shaping the attitudes of citizens about politics, government, and society itself.     

The Emotional Deficit in Political Communication

As a consequence of social changes which have weakened the boundaries between different spheres of life, politics is now interwoven with popular culture. This means that we now seek certain kinds of emotionalized experience from politics. The relationship of people to politics has changed, and has come more fully to resemble a mode of consumption. While this consumerization of politics has been much described (and criticized), its implications for the place of emotion in political communications have not been explored. From a base in the sociology of emotion, this article undertakes such an exploration. It notes how some analysts of political communication have already registered the influence of emotional states, and stresses how contemporary emotionality differs from traditional conceptions of the emotional as a domain separable from rationality and as an optional button for message strategists to press. The complexity and omnipresence of emotional states is emphasised. Political advertising is taken as one area where a sophistication of messages to match the complexity and power of audience emotions might have been expected to develop, but does not appear to have done so yet to a great extent. Making good this "emotional deficit" in political communications is not primarily a way for particular parties or candidates to gain electoral advantage (though it could be that), but is essential for the regeneration of the democratic process and the creation of a more viable settlement between reason and emotion in contemporary society.     

Introduction: Survey and Experimental Research in International Political Economy

Studies in international political economy (IPE) that use survey-response data sets and survey (or field) experiments have grown dramatically in recent years. New developments in survey and experimental methodology have arguably influenced IPE scholars not only to think more deeply about the microfoundations of the preferences, attitudes, and political behavior of key IPE actors but also to use survey or experimental methods to test causal claims and predictions. Yet the reasons for the rapid growth in survey and experimental methods in IPE are more multifaceted. We therefore seek to answer the following three pertinent questions in the introduction. First, what are the main substantive puzzles and issue-areas that IPE scholars analyze via survey and experimental methods in their research? Second, what are the main methodological advantages and drawbacks from using survey and experimental methods in IPE? Third, what are the key substantive theoretical and empirical insights that scholars have learned from recent research in IPE that employs either survey or experimental methods (or both)? In addition to answering these questions here, we also provide a summary of each article included in the special issue. The introduction concludes with a road map for future studies on survey and experimental research in IPE.     

"美国-撒哈拉以南非洲贸易与经济合作论坛"简析

20世纪90年代,随着冷战结束带来的世界格局的变化,及撒哈拉以南非洲(以下“非洲”均特指“撒哈拉以南非洲”)政治、经济形势的好转,美国对非洲政策开始发生变化。2000年5月,《非洲增长与机遇法案》(“AGOA”,以下简称《法案》)获国会通过。此后,美国又分别在2002年8月、2004年7月修正和延长了《法案》。该法案对美国与非洲国家之间的贸易、投资等相关问题作了详细规定。为了配合法案的具体执行,使美国与非洲之间的经济对话机制化,美国-撒哈拉以南非洲贸易与经济合作论坛(“U.S.-Sub-Saharan Africa Trade and Economic Cooperation Fo…     

Organized Crime and Terrorism: From the Cells Towards Political Communication,A Case Study

During the first half of 2006 the city of São Paulo suffered three series of violent attacks against the security forces, civilians, and the government. The violent campaign also included a massive rebellion in prisons and culminated in the kidnapping of a journalist and the broadcast of a manifesto from the criminal organization PCC threatening the police and the government. Right after, the main device used to contain organized crime in the prisons was declared unconstitutional. This episode represents a prototypical example of the use of media-focused terrorism by organized crime for projection into the political communication arena.     

Communication and Political Mobilization: Digital Media and the Organization of Anti-Iraq War Demonstrations in the U.S.

The speed and scale of mobilization in many contemporary protest events may reflect a transformation of movement organizations toward looser ties with members, enabling broader mobilization through the mechanism of dense individual-level political networks. This analysis explores the dynamics of this communication process in the case of U.S. protests against the Iraq war in 2003. We hypothesize that individual activists closest to the various sponsoring protest organizations were (a) disproportionately likely to affiliate with diverse political networks and (b) disproportionately likely to rely on digital communication media (lists, Web sites) for various types of information and action purposes. We test this model using a sample of demonstrators drawn from the United States protest sites of New York, San Francisco, and Seattle and find support for our hypotheses.     

A Model Linking Community Activity and Communication With Political Attitudes and Involvement in Neighborhoods

Although people tend to mobilize around local problems and restrict their political involvement at other times, the political communication literature generally has focused on national politics and elections. This is particularly surprising in investigations of political involvement since it is at the community level that people should feel more efficacious. Also, both mass and interpersonal communication should be more significant locally given their importance in strengthening community ties. The study reported here focuses on these relationships in a community context, with a survey of six inner-city neighborhoods and six suburbs classified on status using location and census data. Results point to a much more positive role for the media in community politics. Those most likely to rely on neighborhood newspapers as sources are less disillusioned with government, suggesting that the most "grassroots" of print media are more efficacious in their impact than the other channels. Also, readership of a daily newspaper is particularly strong as a predictor of both community political involvement and faith in community civic involvement. Results of the macro analysis suggest that urban sprawl may have consequences for how media affect political involvement. In the data here, distance from the center city and stratification are closely tied--the further out the community, the higher its status. Results by neighborhood structure indicate media specialization as well as a greater dependence on media versus interpersonal influence in the political arena. Thus, we see that political involvement and attitudes are more strongly related to reading the daily newspaper in the more distant suburbs than in the center city.     

A Multifunctional Case Study for Teaching International Political Economy: The World Economic Forum as Shar–pei or Wolf in Sheep's Clothing?

The protests against the WTO in Seattle and against the World Economic Forum in Davos and New York present vivid images of conflicting interests in the global economy. Teachers of International Political Economy have an opportunity to use a series of recent or ongoing dynamic case studies to introduce students to theory, history, empirical investigation, and current issues. The evolution of the WEF is a strong example of a multifunctional case study, as it links a current, ongoing issue with high media visibility to many of the major theoretical traditions and debates in IPE. Over its first thirty years of operation the WEF controlled the narrative of its own evolution, portraying itself as a unique venue for business leaders and public officials to discuss issues and solve problems. However, the telecommunications revolution made the WEF's agenda of self–promotion a victim of its own success. The effectiveness of the WEF's efforts to market itself as a key communication channel between major participants in the predominant liberal market configuration of the global economy, symbolized by the meeting of Bill Clinton and Bill Gates at Davos 2000, attracted critics, such as NGOs that embraced alternate visions of globalization. Some critics in turn have become participants, which has shifted the discourse of the WEF in ways unintended by its corporate members and thereby created the possibility for the WEF to become a site for contesting the existing structure of the global economy.     

美国农业保护制度的政治经济学分析

美国是世界上农业最发达的国家之一。在世界农产品贸易中,长期以来一直是世界农产品最大的进出口国,其农产品贸易政策对世界农产品贸易制度具有主要的影响。近年来,美国的农业保护制度不断完善和加强,不但与其他国家多边农业谈判的自由化主张背道而驰,也是多哈农业谈判久谈不决的主要原因之一。从政治经济学的角度分析,在未来,其农业补贴政策会有所减弱。但不可能完全消除,国内农业政策改革难度很大,非传统的隐蔽性更强的限制性措施将成为农产品市场准入中的主要措施。因此,美国在多哈农业谈判中不可能做出太大的让步。