Free trade agreements and vertical-specialisation in East Asia

Regional integration in East Asia has been described as ‘market-led’ integration driven by the activities of multinational corporations creating vertical specialisation. This paper investigates the effect of free trade agreements (FTAs) on vertical specialisation-based trade by employing a gravity estimation for a sample of nine East Asian countries plus the US. We find that FTAs promote international trade based on vertical specialisation and enhances deep integration between countries. The FTA effect on vertical specialisation-based trade increases with pre-agreement vertical linkage level, that is, the deeper the real integration between countries the larger the FTA impact. The results of this paper also suggest that deeper economic integrations, such as currency unions, will enhance trade based on vertical production by reducing the risk of exchange rate volatility.

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Environmental aspects in free trade agreements in the Asia-Pacific region

The trade and environment interface has become a topic of growing importance. Until the early 1990s, the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) and its successor, the World Trade Organisation (WTO), were the major forums to address the relationship between trade and the environment. Significant progress in this area has not yet been made. Since the 1990s, environmental issues have been addressed by the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) and in recent times by trans-regional and bilateral free trade agreements (FTAs) such as the Trans-Pacific Strategic Economic Partnership Agreement (SEP), the U.S.–Singapore FTA (USSFTA), the Canada–Chile FTA or the New Zealand–Thailand Closer Economic Partnership Agreement (CEP). Not only questions on the effectiveness of FTAs in global and regional environmental governance arise but also on the various actors involved in these negotiations. The question here is whether the integration of environmental issues in FTAs is a top-down approach, leaving the negotiations and implementation of environment cooperation frameworks in the hands of governments, or whether environmental arrangements are the result of a multi-stakeholder dialogue, consequently committing governments, the private sector and civil society to the objective of making trade and environmental policies mutually supportive. This article seeks to address these questions by analysing environmental issues and stakeholder participation in the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC), the Trans-Pacific SEP and the New Zealand–Thailand CEP.

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韩国—东盟FTA建立的背景与内容解析

韩国与东盟的自由贸易协议(FTA)起步较晚,直到2005年12月才达成《全面经济合作框架协议》,排在中国、日本与印度之后。但韩国积极推进FTA战略,在中、日、印3国之前与东盟完成了FTA所需协议文本的签署,使得韩国—东盟FTA与中国—东盟FTA同时于2010年1月1日建成。本文对韩国与东盟签订FTA的背景及内容进行了较为详细的解析。     

中国-东盟自由贸易区的进展与利弊分析

中国-东盟自由贸易区进展顺利,在许多方面已迈出实质性的一步。特别是今年10月1日中泰的蔬菜、水果实现零关税,使中国-东盟自由贸易区开始进入实施阶段。本文主要探讨中国-东盟自由贸易区的进展、利弊、不同时期东盟各国的态度以及面临的困难。     

Sequencing Negotiating Partners: Implications for the Two‐Level Game?

In the late 1990s, Japan and South Korea concluded their first bilateral free trade agreements (FTAs) in completely opposite sequences despite similar domestic pressures. Japan concluded an "easier" FTA with Singapore first and then concluded a more "difficult" FTA with Mexico. South Korea concluded a more difficult FTA first with Chile and then moved on to negotiate with Singapore. In this article, I analyze these cases and review the literature on bargaining and two-level games to develop a model of how these differences in sequence account in part for the relative differences in each country's bargaining strength in their more difficult negotiations. The preexistence of the Singapore FTA eased domestic pressures to reap the benefits of entry into the bilateral FTA game. Thus, Japan could approach the more difficult FTA negotiation knowing that a "no-agreement" outcome would not fundamentally increase domestic pressure to get into the free trade "game." This alternative to no agreement put the Japanese in a stronger international bargaining position. South Korea negotiated its harder case knowing that the relative domestic pressure to get in the FTA game would increase without an agreement. This relatively worse bargaining position created a context in which South Korea conceded more internationally at the expense of higher side payments domestically.     

中日韩FTA战略比较研究

区域经济一体化逐渐成为国际经济合作的重要形式,作为东亚区域一体化合作的主要成员国中、日、韩三国,也纷纷开始了各自的RTA/FTA体系的尝试,以避免被排除在区域经济一体化进程之外。但由于目标的不同,中、日、韩三国FTA战略也大相径庭。各国优先考虑的谈判对象和建立FTA的进度也各不相同,建立FTA所涵盖的内容也存在很大差异。建立三国稳定的政治互信关系和固定的磋商机制、确立时间表、与日本协调FTA战略、加强产业结构调整等措施将加速中、日、韩FTA合作进程。     

东北亚区域经济一体化发展趋势与实现途径

区域经济一体化已成为世界经济发展的潮流,而东北亚地区(中国、日本和韩国)作为世界第三大区域集团,其一体化进程却非常缓慢。目前,在东北亚地区有两个潜在优先发展的FTA,即一个双边的日本—韩国FTA和一个三边的日本—韩国—中国FTA。根据国际形势和东北亚主要国家的政策变化,可以预测东北亚区域经济一体化将要进入提速阶段。东北亚区域经济一体化从纵向深化和横向拓展的二维发展过程上,都应该选择与欧盟和北美自由贸易协定不同的实现途径。     

地方性自由贸易协议

90年代以来 ,很多国家相继缔结了区域贸易协议 ,东亚地区最近也开始摸索建立FTA。但日韩之间的FTA ,因农水产品和贸易不均衡等方面的原因仍无进展。为此 ,可先缔结阻碍因素较少的“地方性FTA” ,然后逐渐扩大 ,建立日、中、韩 3国间的地方性FTA ,也就是“环黄海自由贸易地区” ,使该地区的经济联系更加紧密 ,并保证该地区的和平与安定。     

全球区域经济一体化新趋势与中国的FTA策略选择

进入21世纪以来,以自由贸易协定(FTA)为主要形式的区域经济一体化浪潮在全球风起云涌并呈现出新的发展趋势。在此背景下,中国应当进一步顺应区域经济一体化发展的潮流,采取多维灵活的FTA战略,积极稳妥渐进地开展自由贸易区工作,逐步形成全球自由贸易区合作网络,在地区双边和多边贸易自由化进程中发挥更积极作用。     

东亚国家跨区域双边FTA的多样化动机分析

从东亚国家双边FTA伙伴选择的范围来看,伙伴国不属于本地区的的情况在大大增加。以中国、日本、韩国、新加坡和东盟为例,展现东亚各国区域FTA和跨区域FTA并行发展的现实。跨区域FTA政策动机包括经济动机、安全和外交动机和平衡动机,而每一种动机又有自己的具体内涵。跨区域FTA的发动已经内化为东亚经济一体化的一个组成部分,对东亚区域经济一体化格局和进程带来实质性的影响。为最大化我国的综合利益,应尽早明确中国的跨区域FTA战略。     

EU FTA negotiations with India: The question of liberalisation of public procurement

The proposed bilateral free trade agreement (FTA) between India and the European Union has thrown up many contentious issues among which public procurement is an important one. While India is reluctant to include public procurement in FTA, the European Union (EU) has been insisting that FTA without liberalisation of public procurement is not on the negotiating table. What makes India particularly attractive to the EU is not only the size of its public procurement market but also its rapidly growing economy and demand for infrastructure which presents EU firms with an opportunity to gain market access into this sector under the FTA setting. The EU is insisting on national treatment and non-discrimination as also transparency in Indian procurement system. Indian companies aspire to crack open public procurement market in the EU by entering it through the services sector. However, they are finding EU procedures for ‘data adequacy’ and policies relating to work visa difficult. India’s reluctance to negotiate government procurement under the FTA framework is also attributed partly to administrative costs required for making changes to existing framework and for establishing institutions to implement bilateral obligations. Though several deadlines have been missed, an agreement that could bring mutual benefit for both the EU and India is not out of reach.     

“中国—哥伦比亚自由贸易协定”研究

哥伦比亚是地理位置重要、经济增长具有潜力、看重与亚洲国家发展经贸关系的拉美大国。近年来,中国与哥伦比亚的经贸与政治关系发展良好,双边贸易和投资量增长迅速,从而对经贸制度环境建设提出了更高的要求。本文从中哥双方战略诉求、贸易与投资关系的潜力以及自由贸易区的福利效应等角度,深入而前瞻性地研究了中哥建立自由贸易区的基础条件。主要结论是,对于中国和哥伦比亚双方而言,中哥自由贸易区的建立不仅具有现实需求,更可获得经济上可预测的实际利益。中哥自由贸易区的建立对中国的国际区域经济合作战略布局具有较为重要的影响。     

东北亚地区建立自由贸易区(FTA)的现状与趋势

2000年以来,东北亚有关国家建立双边自由贸易协定(FTA)的步伐明显加快,但在东北亚地区内部,除日本和韩国外其他国家之间近期内建立FTA的可能性很低,特别是对中日、中韩经济贸易关系非常紧密的国家之间建立FTA的可能性较小,缺乏政治互信是导致该地区内部FTA发展缓慢的主要原因。     

建立中印自由贸易区的难点问题与对策研究

近年来,中印两国关于建立中印自由贸易区（RTA）的研究取得了明显的进展,但尚未进入政府间的谈判,要建立RTA还有不少难点与挑战。主要是历史及边界遗留问题、现实产品市场竞争及能源竞争问题、预期利益分享的计算问题等一时难以逾越的障碍和挑战。在现阶段仍可从以下方面多做些工作：完善两国政治及军事交流与合作机制,理性疏导两国国内的民族主义情绪,在涉及各国国内敏感问题时应给予相互尊重,加强双方在关税和非关税领域合作力度,完善双方已有的区域合作机制,加强专业人才交流与培训,等等。     

老挝在中国—东盟自由贸易区合作中的地位与作用

本文立足于老挝在中国—东盟自由贸易区中的经济和社会现状,试析老挝在中国—东盟自由贸易区和经济全球化的大背景下,特别是老挝加入东盟自由贸易区《共同有效优惠关税协定》的情况下,老挝在中国—东盟自由贸易区合作中的地位与作用,以及应如何面对日益开放的经济环境所带来的机遇与挑战等方面的问题。     

论日韩FTA进程中的主要问题及其解决路径

进入21世纪,亚太地区掀起了双边FTA热潮。目前,日韩FTA协定已进入了双边谈判的关键阶段。日韩FTA不仅将对两国产生重要影响,而且对整个东亚及亚太区域各国造成了不可忽视的影响。由于日韩两国与我国有极其密切的贸易和投资关系,需要对之加以认真对待。因此,对日韩FTA协定的有关问题进行深入研究,对我国制定相关的战略对策具有重要的现实意义。     

试析印度自由贸易区战略及前景

近年来,印度对外开放的步伐日益加快,最明显的就是印度参与自由贸易区的力度越来越大。尤其新世纪以来,印度已经同多个国家和地区缔结了自贸协定。综合来看,印度自由贸易区战略包括了政治和经济利益诉求。就发展前景来看,虽然有若干有利因素,但挑战也不容忽视。     

试析中国“自由贸易区战略”的新区域主义特征

2007年,中国共产党十七大报告中正式提出要着力推进"自由贸易区战略"(英语简称FTA).在新区域主义逐渐由区域兴起到全球扩展的阶段,中国的FTA战略既具有新区域主义的共性,而且还将具有自己独特的个性.     

中国在东北亚地区的FTA战略选择:基于CGE模型的比较研究

自由贸易区(FTA)作为国家间经济合作的一种重要形式,在全球范围内迅速扩展,绝大多数世贸组织成员国都参与了一个或者一个以上的区域贸易安排,全球贸易50%以上是在区域贸易协定下进行的。以中、日、韩三国为主体的东北亚地区,经济规模占据了东亚整体经济规模的90%。然而,中、日、韩三国的区域经济一体化却是步履艰难,三国之间至今为止没有建立任何自由贸易区。这种情况与三国的经济发展水平、世界经济地位及相互间密切的经贸关系是不相符的。从东北亚地区区域经济合作的特点和现实出发,运用一般均衡模型分析比较东北亚中、日、韩之间不同FTA合作模式对三国潜在的经济影响,重点包括不同模式的FTA对三国福利、国内生产总值、进出口、贸易平衡、贸易条件及各产业产出的各种影响,GTAP模型的模拟结果显示:建立中、日、韩三国FTA将会给中国带来最大福利收益。但是综合中国福利、贸易平衡、贸易条件的变化,从现实的角度考虑,中国优先与韩国建立FTA将是更为理性的选择。     

中国—东盟自由贸易区电子贸易平台建设对策研究——对阿里巴巴经验的借鉴

随着中国-东盟自由贸易区即将建成，面向中国-东盟自由贸易区电子贸易平台的建设需求显得日益迫切，由于自由贸易区内各国在语言、文化、经济发展程度上的差异，电子贸易平台的建设与推广面临着种种困难。而作为全球领先的B2B贸易平台阿里巴巴，其运作模式及海外拓展经验，为自由贸易区电子贸易平台的建设提供了很好的借鉴。