20世纪90年代以来日本企业文化的特点及对我国的启示

20世纪90年代以来，由于受到经济领域、社会意识等新变化浪潮的巨大冲击，日本企业的经营环境发生了急剧的变化，进而导致日本企业文化的发展呈现出诸多新特点。本文首先阐述了20世纪90年代以来日本企业文化发展中呈现的四个显著特点，然后分析了我国借鉴日本企业文化的必要性，最后结合我国企业文化建设中的不足与问题，提出几点建议和启示。     

试论中日宗教文化的异同

日本深受中国文化的影响，中国人和日本人在许多观念上有很大的一致性，但是日本毕竟有自己的自然环境和历史文化，所以中国人和日本人的观念和文化也有很大的区别，在宗教文化和观念方面也是如此。探讨中、日宗教观念和文化的异同，同时探讨这些因素在文化中所起的作用，对于我们进一步认识日本有很大作用，对进一步分析我们的传统文化的因素在我国社会现代化中所起的作用也有积极意义。中、日同属于东方儒家文化圈，较之于人类的其他类型的文化，诸如：犹太教──基督教文化圈、伊斯兰教文化圈等等，表现出多方面的相似性，在宗教观念和宗…     

日本人中国法律观的历史考察

日本曾经在很长的时闻内将中国传统法律文化视为圭臬，其法律制度基本照抄了《唐律疏议》和《大明律》的主要内容。近代以来，日本人逐渐对传统法律文化进行批判性反思，转向学习西方法律文化。并试图将日本法律文化推向整个亚洲。20世纪以来，日本人对中国传统法律文化由学习转向了研究，许多中国法律史研究著述出现，对中国传统法律文化的态度逐渐转向理性的思考。     

日本明治启蒙思想家西周的语言文字观考述

明治时期是日本历史进程中的一个重要时期.此时的日本知识分子醉心于学习先进的西洋文明,因而形成新的外来思想和旧的传统思想的对立.在新旧文化的激烈碰撞中,曾深受中国儒家文化影响的日本传统文化转变成为一种既混杂中西两种文化因素又保留有本国传统的独特文化形态.为适应西方新的科学技术和文化思想的引进,日本自古使用的文字也随之变化,日本大批启蒙思想家纷纷对日本文字提出改革意见.西周也在众多的著作中也提出了改革日本文字的主张,体现出其顺应时代潮流、勇于改革创新的鲜明的语言观.     

杜威教育思想在日本的传播

杜威是美国著名的哲学家和教育家，他的哲学理论和教育思想对日本产生了重要影响。20世纪初，西方的文化和教育思想开始大量涌入日本。在这种背景下，杜威的教育思想也作为外来思想开始传入日本，并在日本文化教育史上占有相当重要的地位。     

日本古代建筑中的“禅”

禅宗的思想从古至今都深深地影响着日本文化的各个方面。禅宗兴于唐，盛于宋，其间相继传人朝鲜、日本和越南甚至新加坡等周边国家，并对当地的文化、宗教、艺术产生了深远的影响。而这其中对日本的影响尤为重要和明显。禅宗最初由日本人宋求法的僧人传入日本。在日本经过一个多世纪的传播、消化、吸收后，进而对日本几乎所有领域的所有层面都产生了影响，禅宗的思维方式和审美方式也渐渐成为日本民族的思维方式和审美特点。在建筑方面，无论是从神社到住宅府邸的传统建筑，还是当今的现代建筑，都或多或少体现了一种禅的哲理精神。这种禅宗精神特征完美的融合到了建筑作品中，无疑成为日本建筑文化的一大特色。     

日本动漫的文化特征及对中国的启示

日本动漫在日本已经形成了一种动漫文化和动漫产业。透过日本动漫中的一些经典作品，人们可以发现日本动漫具有典型的自然主义特性和传神性，实现了固有文化与外来文化的有机融合以及艺术生产向文化工业的转变。这些对中国动漫的发展提供了有益的启示。     

日本传统文化的一枝“奇葩”——记文人笔下的艺妓形象

本文在描绘日本艺妓文化的基础上，结合川端康成的《伊豆的舞女》、《雪国》和畅销书《一个艺妓的回忆》，全面地揭示了文人笔下形形色色的艺妓形象，以及艺妓文化对传统文化的继承和当代日本社会的泛艺妓化现象。     

韩国古代饮食文化对日本的影响

韩国古代饮食文化对日本的影响王明星韩日两国是一衣带水的邻邦，自古以来韩半岛即为日本吸取先进的大陆文化的桥梁；在双方频繁的交往中，韩国古代文化曾对日本产生过不可忽视的影响。本文拟就韩国古代饮食文化对日本的影响作一尝试性探讨。一、须须许里与日本酒日本人素...     

日俄战争与《满洲日日新闻》的创刊

日俄战争为日本在东北实施舆论操纵、殖民文化、经济统治创造了机遇、提供了土壤。《满洲日日新闻》的创刊吹起了日本向东北实施殖民统治的舆论号角，将日本对东北的殖民文化渗透在舆论宣传上推向了极致。战争的胜利为该报赖以生存的环境注入了活力，为其长期的发展、存续提供了坚实的保障。加快加大日本在该地区舆论导向步伐的同时，也加快了东北沦为殖民地的进程，更为日后日本对东北实施武力入侵、经济掠夺赢得话语权并提供了坚实的理论基础和声援保障。     

朴槿惠政府对朝政策解析

朝鲜试射导弹和第三次核试验后,朝鲜半岛和东北亚国际关系进入新的"朝鲜半岛拥核和核威胁"时代,朝核问题成为韩国新政府面临的首个重大课题。朝鲜半岛局势动荡相对削弱了韩国对朝的战略优势,为其对朝传统政策带来诸多挑战。朴槿惠政府被迫更新政策,采取包括提升对朝一揽子"抑制力"与实施人道主义援助并行的"均衡政策"战略,推动朝鲜半岛"信任政治"进程。目前,朴槿惠政府扩大对朝拥核的国际抑制力是迫于朝核危机形势而采取的权宜之计,不会偏离信任进程的基本框架。由于国内外各种因素制约,从维护朝鲜半岛和平、安全、繁荣和统一的长期目标来看,朴槿惠政府采取对朝新政及与国际社会一道构建与朝互信是明智而"有希望"的选择。     

Web campaigning from a global perspective

Since the mid-1990s, political parties around the world have been moving into cyberspace. During the early years, it was not evident that many of them had any clearly defi ned ideas about why the internet would prove useful, or how they should present themselves on it. As time has passed, however, a number of key uses for the new technology have emerged as well some common trends in parties' and candidates' website content and appearance. Paramount among those uses has been the increasing use of the World Wide Web (WWW) and email as electioneering tools. This paper aims to chart the development of so-called "cyber-campaigning" by political parties both in terms of what they are doing (supply side) and also how the electorate are responding (demand side). The two key questions that will be addressed are 1) whether the practice is adding anything new to parties' campaign practices, and 2) what difference, if any, it is making for voters. Does cyber-campaigning play a decisive role in terms of changing minds, if not hearts? The analysis covers developments in cyber-campaigning across a number of contexts but has particular emphasis on Europe, the US, and Australia. Beginning with an historical overview, we chart the rise of web campaigning since the mid-1990s in the US and then move to look at the academic research that has attempted to compare and contrast website content and quality and also explain the distribution of party and candidate sites. After identifying some of the key elements within the cyber-campaign tool box, and the factors that appear to promote its practice, we then turn to look at the audience for election websites and discuss the crucial issue of the extent to which having a website actually matters for parties. One obvious measure of success may be whether the site actually produces an increase in the electoral support for the party. However, using such a measure may present problems given that more than half of the electorate in most countries remains without access to the web. Perhaps cyber-campaigns benefi t parties and candidates in more subtle and diffuse ways? Would perhaps having an attractive and user friendly website contribute to a positive image of organisational competence, and more importantly, contemporary relevance?     

欧洲政治一体化的发展与前瞻

欧洲政治一体化经历了"欧洲政治合作"、"共同外交与安全政策"以及"共同安全与防务政策"三个发展阶段,使欧洲国家外交政策的合作越来越紧密。然而因各国外交利益的不同道致欧洲外交政策无法步调一致,因此影响了欧洲联盟对国际事务的影响力。《里斯本条约》改变了欧洲联盟传统的外交与安全体系,创造了一个"金三角、两系统"的新格局,亦即建构"新人事制度"、"新外交决策体系"与"新外交行政体系"等,使欧洲联盟外交与安全体系焕然一新。这种新格局下可能创造出来的外交能量,极可能增强欧盟的外交能力,使欧洲联盟成为更具影响力的全球角色,这项变革将大大增加欧洲联盟成为国际政治新强权的实力,未来欧盟亦将因此对国际体系发挥前所未有的影响力,以上发展值得深入研究与观察。     

Measuring Party Strength: A New Systematic Framework Applied to the Case of German Parties, 1991–2013

An appropriate quantitative measurement of party strength is an essential precondition to any further qualitative assessment of partisan influence. The existing literature offers a number of individual indicators but fails to integrate them into a coherent systematic framework. This article fills that gap by proposing a new multi-dimensional and multi-level framework model to operationalise and measure party strength. The soundness of the approach is tested on the case of the evolution of German parties between 1991 and 2013.     

Ethnic interests and national ideology during Israel's first decade: addressing the rational Oriental vote

The article offers an empirical foundation through which the electoral behaviour of the new Oriental immigrants into Israel during the 1950s can be interpreted, based on the assumption that their conduct was, in fact, rational. It focuses on the egalitarian wage policy in the important public sector, which led Ben-Gurion and the leaders of Israel's first ruling party, MAPAI, to a confrontation with the European academically educated middle class, and on the political–electoral strategy of MAPAI vis-à-vis the Oriental immigrants during the 1950s electoral campaigns. The article discusses three assumptions: first, that this wage policy was part of the ruling party's attempt to address the interests of the new Oriental working class; second, that this political strategy was publicly discussed, and it addressed the Oriental immigrants’ rational socio-economic calculations for the purpose of securing their political and electoral support; third, that the leaders of nascent Israel and its ruling party presented this policy as a measure towards creating a minimal socio-economic foundation for the process of nation-building during the 1950s.     

Political support through representation by the government. Evidence from Dutch panel data

Research on political support demonstrates that satisfaction with democracy is higher among electoral winners than losers, and that it is higher for citizens who are ideologically more congruent with the government. In this paper, I analyze how support for the political system is affected by representation by the government. Expanding on previous studies, I leverage long-run panel data from the Dutch LISS panel spanning over several electoral cycles. Drawing on various measures that go beyond the distinction between election winners and losers and also measure how close citizens are to the government coalition as a whole, I show that being well represented by the government has a wide-ranging positive relationship with satisfaction with democracy, external efficacy and trust in political institutions. While this relationship is mostly short-run, political support can decline substantially if non-representation persists in the long-run. This highlights the relevance of long-run panel data for studying the consequences of representation.     

Compensatory Voting in Direct Legislation. Evidence from Switzerland

In elections, voters sometimes compensate for post‐election bargaining processes by electing parties that are more extreme than themselves. We investigate compensatory voting in direct democracy. Our goals are to develop and test a measure of compensatory voting in direct legislation and assess its extent of compensatory voting. Empirically, we draw on the case of Switzerland, a country with frequent popular votes. We operationalize compensatory voting as voting ‘yes’ on a popular initiative in spite of endorsing arguments that speak against this initiative, under the condition of being well‐informed about the initiative. Using data from post‐ballot surveys on 17'570 individuals having voted on 63 popular initiatives in the period 1993 to 2015, our analysis shows that compensatory voting has not significantly increased in Switzerland in this period.     

India's quest for nuclear legitimacy

India first tested a nuclear device in 1974. It waited until May 1998, when it conducted a series of underground nuclear tests and declared itself a nuclear weapons state. The global response to both was widespread and hostile. Since then, successive Indian governments have worked hard to obtain a measure of nuclear legitimacy for the country's possession of nuclear weapons. Against heavy odds and opposition from many states, India is on the threshold of attaining a substantial measure of de facto legitimacy, even if a formal recognition of its status as a nuclear weapons state is unlikely to come about in the foreseeable future. This article examines the manner in which the search for nuclear legitimacy has been brought forward by India.     

Northern Iraq

This article is about Western perceptions of Turkey at different periods. Following the “Young Turks” Revolution in 1908, British-Ottoman relations came under increasing strain as the logic of the Triple Entente played through. It also set British/German rivalry in a new context, captured by John Buchan in his celebrated novel “Greenmantle”. Present day Turkey is changing fast, developing socially and economically, while internationally it has become a regional player and a sort of ideological beacon for emerging Arab democracies. Yet, internally, some fear growing authoritarianism, while the situation in Syria means that any choices that Turkey makes will have consequences and costs. But the choices will be made by Turkey, not by outsiders. That is the measure of the progress already achieved.