第一次俄朝“密约”事件新论

甲申政变后，中国和日本有在朝鲜发生战争的可能，于是朝鲜一年里几次请求俄国在中日发生战争时保护朝鲜。俄国鉴于朝鲜复杂的国际局势和自己在东北亚地区的实力，没有答应，因而两国没有缔结俄国保护朝鲜、朝鲜给予俄国一些特权的秘密条约。但是各国对俄国插手朝鲜事务持有极强的警惕性，朝鲜的“引俄”行为及俄国的表现被夸大，都采取了阻止俄朝接近的措施，这就是第一次俄朝“密约”事件。此次事件无论是对当事国——朝鲜和俄国，还是对在朝鲜有重大利益关系的国家——中国、日本都产生了很大影响，各国纷纷调整了对外政策或对朝鲜政策。     

在华韩国反日独立运动研究的新探索──评《韩国反日独立运动史论》

1876年，朝鲜便遭到了刚刚走上资本主义道路的日本的侵略，借口“云扬号事件”，日本强迫朝鲜签定了第一个不平等条约——（江华岛条约》。以后，日本更是利用一系列事件，变本加厉地辟阐和侵略朝鲜，直至19ic年丧心病狂地吞并立国达几千年、有着灿烂文明史的朝鲜，将其变成了自己独占的殖民地。为加强和巩固自己的殖民统治，日本殖民统治者疯狂摧残朝鲜的文化、掠夺其经济资源、残酷镇压朝鲜人民的反抗斗争，将朝鲜变成了一座人间地狱。朝鲜民族也是一个爱好和平，独立与自由，从不屈服的民族，从日本对朝鲜施加侵略和殖民统治的那一刻起，…     

梁启超朝鲜观的变迁及原因分析

梁启超关注朝鲜问题，有一个逐步深入、不断深化的过程。本文试图从朝鲜甲午更张后、朝鲜沦为日本保护国前后、朝鲜被日本吞并前后等三个时期入手，研究分析梁启超相应的代表作，找出其在不同时期对朝鲜问题关注的重点，探寻其写作的目的和动机，梳理出内在的逻辑关系及变迁过程，揭示出梁启超关注朝鲜问题的根源，即对中国处境和命运的担忧，对清政府和民众的警醒，对民族复兴道路的探索。     

新四军与朝鲜义勇军

朝鲜义勇军的前身是1938年10月10日成立的朝鲜义勇队。1939年11月以后中共中央决定有计划地将朝鲜义勇队各部陆续调往敌后抗日根据地。1940年黄克诚率八路军南下华中，与新四军会师。1941年1月皖南事变发生后，黄克诚部奉命改编为新四军第三师。1942年5月朝鲜青年联合会苏北分会在三师成立，7月改称为朝鲜独立同盟苏北分盟。1943年底在新四军一师建立了朝鲜独立同盟苏中分盟，独立同盟成员多为义勇军。1944年1月在淮北建立了华中分盟，同时组建朝鲜义勇军华中支队。1945年初在新四军五师中也组建朝鲜义勇军。义勇军作为一支特殊的从事政治和武装斗争的队伍，在平时主要进行对敌政治宣传工作；在战时一边对日军进行政治、心理攻势，收集情报，一边配合新四军和地方武装作战，起了重要的作用。日本投降后朝鲜义勇军随新四军迅速北上，走上了解放东北、光复祖国的新征程。     

朝鲜第四次核试验对东亚格局的影响和各国外交战略

2016年1月6日，朝鲜宣布第一枚氢弹核试验成功。至此，朝鲜已经进行了4次核试验。①2016新年伊始。朝鲜自我宣称的“氢弹”核试验震惊了整个东亚。国际视线再次聚焦“朝核”问题。自2011年底金正日突然去世，距今已经4年多了。金正恩在过去的4年里集党政军大权于一身。抛开朝鲜内部的各种变化，就外交而言，朝鲜变化颇多，推出了...     

朝鲜诗家论王士禛诗歌

王士禛是朝鲜文人热议的人物，其诗文集《蚕尾集》和《带经堂集》不久就传入了朝鲜。王士禛的“神韵说”既保存了汉民族文化的传统，又不对抗清朝统治，也十分符合此时朝鲜士人的心态，经过李德懋的倡导及众多文人的次韵、模仿，王士禛的“神韵说”及“神韵诗”对朝鲜诗坛产生了积极影响。朝鲜诗家承认王士禛的诗坛领袖地位，认为他是“海内诗宗”，总体诗风“清雅淹丽”，其诗歌有“守唐人声格”且“转益多师”的长处，也有体制、对仗方面的瑕疵。在朝鲜，围绕王士禛也诞生了一些诗坛佳话和趣闻。     

试评中国现行教材中有关朝鲜“三·一运动”的记述

试评中国现行教材中有关朝鲜“三·一运动”的记述韦丛／“三·一运动”是朝鲜历史上的重大事件，对朝鲜历史发展影响深远。它作为历史发展进程中的里程碑，标志着朝鲜反对日本帝国主义的斗争进入了一个崭新的阶段。同时，它也将朝鲜人民的斗争与世界各国、各民族的解放运...     

19世纪末西方在华传教士的朝鲜观——以《教务杂志》为中心的考察

19世纪中叶以前的朝鲜，从未进入西方世俗世界的视野中。这种状况在19世纪60年代以后逐步改变。实际上，在整个19世纪后半叶，西方列强和崛起的日本都将侵略的矛头对准了朝鲜。伴随着列强侵略的进程，“隐士之国”朝鲜被揭开了神秘面纱。在向世人揭开朝鲜面纱时，西方传教士在中国创办的《教务杂志》（TheChineseRecorder）发挥了重要作用。由于西方传教士长久生活于朝鲜社会中，更少有功利性，因而反映的朝鲜面目更具有真实性和全面性。     

韩国建国50年辉煌成就

历史：１９世纪，韩国仍然是个“隐士之国”。当时的朝鲜王朝坚决反对西方提出的建立外交和贸易关系的要求。朝鲜坚守同清政府的盟约，而当时清政府正为自己的生存抵御西方的入侵，无法帮助朝鲜。已经成为新的工业强国的日本，终于乘隙而入，吞并了朝鲜。朝鲜王朝于１９１...     

关于明代吴明济《朝鲜诗选》的新发现

明末万历二十年（１５９２），朝鲜爆发日本入侵的“壬辰倭乱”，明朝出兵援朝，朝鲜成为当时中国人关注的焦点，由中国人编选的朝鲜诗选应运而生，最有影响的一本是吴明济所编《朝鲜诗选》。此书问世后，多为明清及朝鲜的一些著名文人的著述所述及或引用。现代学者也对研...     

Asian Industrialization in Latin American Perspective: The Limits to Institutional Analysis

Kang, David C. Crony Capitalism: Corruption and Development in South Korea and the Philippines. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002. Figures, tables, notes, bibliography, index, 220 pp.; hardcover $60, paperback $27.99.
Chibber, Vivek. Locked in Place: State-Building and Late Industrialization in India. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2003. Figures, tables, abbreviations, notes, bibliography, index, 360 pp.; hardcover $49.50, paperback $22.95.     

Hope and reality in Vietnam and Myanmar

When IIPS Senior Research Fellow Hisahiro Kanayama embarked on this project, he found that information on Vietnam and Myanmar was often biased or insufficient. This article is based on a month‐long factfinding trip to Southeast Asia, where he interviewed analysts in government, international organizations, research institutes, and diplomatic circles. Kanayama notes that Vietnam and Myanmar may become—as part of an enlarged ASEAN—a force ranking fourth in regional political clout after the US, Japan and China. Neither excessive expectations nor indifference to neighbors is an appropriate response from Japan, he states. His research was conducted prior to Myanmar's release of Aung San Suu Kyi. The article has since been updated.     

Prime Minister Nakasone and The United States of America

Although it is commonly believed that as Prime Minister of Japan, Nakasone Yasuhiro focused diplomatic efforts on the United States, his first trip abroad as prime minister was to the Republic of Korea. In the 1950s, he was even a vocal critic of the US-Japan alliance. But he was different from many other politicians in reading books, traveling abroad to discuss issues with foreign leaders, and soliciting ideas and advice from intellectuals. In the end, he acquired mature views on how to fight the Cold War as well as maintain robust relations with the US. This article traces the evolving approach he had with the United States from the Occupation through the “Ron-Yasu” relationship during his prime ministership.     

Energy cooperation problems in Northeast Asia: Unfolding the reality

It is a truism that Northeast Asian states could benefit very much if they were to cooperate in the energy security realm. However, to many, especially economists, their behaviour to this common sense solution has been bewildering: there has been simply no progress towards this end and it still remains a puzzle, even to many energy specialists. This article attempts to answer a simple question: Why do the Northeast Asian states, namely China, Japan, Korea, and Russia, not cooperate? For its analysis, the author of the article relies on content analysis of recently released official governmental long-term energy policy and strategy documents of these states, and notes that cooperation for energy security reasons at the regional level is conspicuously absent, which possibly implies a lack of desire and willingness to do so amongst themselves. The article, however, deliberately omits from its study Korea, simply because no such long-term energy policy exists today. It attributes the major cause to the strong propensity by energy specialists to interchangeably use the concepts of ‘energy cooperation’ and ‘energy security’ in their analysis.     

Taking Disaster Seriously: East Asian Military Involvement in International Disaster Relief Operations and the Implications for Force Projection

Abstract

The participation of East Asian militaries (Japan, China, Taiwan, and South Korea) in international disaster relief is a relatively new phenomenon having many implications that will shape the global landscape of the 21st century. This article looks at the historical record of these operations and notes how they have evolved in size and scope over time. Empirical data are presented and analyzed to identify and compare demonstrated capacities for force projection. These demonstrated capacities are considered with current and future capabilities to contemplate the trajectory of the militaries' future participation in disaster relief and ability for force projection. Finally, the article concludes with a brief assessment of implications and policy considerations.     

韩国海关廉政管理体制建设及其启示

目前韩国廉洁度排名居世界前列,韩国政府树立的廉洁形象也日益得到全世界的认可。然而在几十年前,韩国一度是亚洲最腐败的国家之一。韩国廉政建设经历了从运动式反腐到制度式反腐的过程,以预防腐败为着眼点,事前预防和事后惩罚相结合,韩国治理腐败的制度设计呈现出循序渐进、逐步完善,内部监督、成效突出、惩戒有力、处罚从严的特点。在韩国廉政管理体制的框架下,韩国海关以实践和行动为主轴,大力推进以透明化、文化、制衡与矫治为主要内容的"4C"廉政策略,取得了丰硕的成果。     

韩国公共外交的主要途径及制约因素

为提高韩国国家形象和国际地位,适应国际外交环境的变化,李明博政府确立了文化外交向公共外交转换的发展战略,并通过各种途径,积极开展公共外交的实践活动,其中有许多值得我们借鉴的经验。但是,近些年韩国与中国民间关系龃龉丛生的现实,却折射了韩国公共外交进一步发展的深层障碍。如何超越障碍是韩国公共外交面临的重要课题。     

韩国的选举制度与政治体制

本文旨在分析韩国的选举制度如何加大了社会的不平等现象。1997年金融危机之后,韩国社会迅速走上两极化道路。本文分三个层次进行论述。一是简要介绍韩国的选举制度。这将作为支撑本文核心见解的框架。二是考察韩国选举制度导致的＂民心歪曲＂现象。三是探讨政治制度的党派特征。即使同为民主主义,但选择比例代表制还是多数制将决定其政策方向。最后,在结论部分中强调,若要使韩国的选举制度取得更加均衡的政治结果,就一定要取消现行多数制,采用比例代表制度。比例代表制将有助于实现得票和议席之间的均衡,并进一步创造平等的民主主义。     

经济全球化与韩国民主化：以发展战略转型为视角

自20世纪60年代实施出口导向型发展战略后,韩国被纳入国际经济体系之中,并与之同步演化。随着新自由主义意识形态主导的全球化的进一步发展,出口贸易的严重依赖使得韩国政治经济发展受到全球市场的制约与影响。本文运用相互依赖理论来分析经济全球化的发展与韩国发展战略转型之间的相关性以及韩国经济结构的变迁及其与政治转型相互型塑的发展结果。     

The China model of Korean reunification

Like Germany's reunification, essentially the annexation of East Germany by West Germany, Korean reunification looms as most likely, ultimately and largely entailing South Korea's annexation of North Korea. The awesome cost borne by West Germany for reunification has been instructive to South Korea, particularly in recognition that the material and ideological gaps between North and South Korea are far greater than those which existed between East and West Germany. A possible solution to the negative implications of cataclysmic reunificationmay rest in gradual reunification of the Koreas, with an interim industrialization of North Korea by South Korea, based on the model of the economic development zones in southeastern China; hence, the “China Model”. In such a scenario the investors in North Korea's gradual industrialization would be (primarily) the huge conglomerate South Korean corporations chaebol which seek cheaper labor pools abroad. Investment by such corporations, in cooperation with the South Korean government, and possibly supplemented by western and Japanese capital investment, would presumably raise levels of productivity and the standard of living in the economically and agriculturally ravished North. The North-South gaps would thus be gradually reduced as would the financial and other burdens South Korea would otherwise have to bear for cataclysmic reunification.