A Comparative Analysis of Abe＇s and Fukuda＇s Asia Diplomacy

As Abe was replaced by Fukuda, Japan＇s domestic and foreign policies were also amended. Abe＇s ＂proactive diplomacy＂ has been replaced by Fukuda＇s ＂synergy diplomacy＂ which emphasizes strengthening the Japan-U.S. alliance and Japan＇s ties with Asia. Abe＇s diplomacy toward Asia was characterized by ＂value oriented diplomacy＂, whereas Fukuda seeks to carry out ＂active diplomacy toward Asia＂ after his cabinet was formed. The changes in foreign policy of the Abe and Fukuda cabinets show that Japan＇s nationalist foreign policy is evolving in twists and turns from being radical to being more rational against the backdrop of domestic and international political reality. To explore this change and its causes is conducive to the better understanding of some features of Japan＇s diplomacy toward Asia.     

On China＇s Foreign Policy

There are two perspectives regarding the evolution of the international system： the survival of state and the survival of the world. From the first perspective, the international system is a typical of power-and-right-dominated culture, while the second perspective posits an international system is an obligation-dominated culture. The evolution from a power-dominated system to an obligation-dominated system is important.     

A Brief Review of Current International Situation and China＇s Diplomacy

The current international situation is volatile and highly complicated with abrupt changes. Various contradictions develop successively, and different challenges present them- selves one after another.     

The Characteristics and Problems in China＇s Humanitarian Aid to Foreign Countries

When a country or region experiences natural or humanitarian disasters, humanitarian assistance is provided in the form of relief supplies and the dispatch of rescue personnel at the request of the aff...     

The Inability of Japan to Adapt to China＇ s Rise and China＇ s Strategic Response

since China first surpassed Japan in 2010 to become the world＇s second largest economy, the continuing friction and tensions between China and Japan has intensified around issues such as the Diaoyu Islands and the East China Sea air defense identification zone. At the end of 2013, with Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe＇s visit to the Yasukuni Shrine, the Sino-Japanese relationship was brought to the lowest point in nearly 30 years. What are the deep-seated reasons for this？ What are Japan＇s strategic intentions？ These questions are worthy of further exploration.     

An Analysis of DPJ＇s China Policy

On August 30, 2009, the Democratic Party of Japan （DPJ） won an apparent landslide victory over the ruling Liberal Democratic Party （LDP） by reaping 308 seats in the House of Representatives election and became the ruling party. On September 16, the DPJ, Social Democratic Party and People＇s New Party formed a new cabinet with Hatoyama Yukio as Prime Minister.     

A Comparative Study of China's Foreign Aid

Chinese development assistance is totally different in nature in comparison with the aid offered by the United States and Japan. The U.S. sees its aid as a form of "mercy" to less-developed countries and gives it with numerous conditions attached. Japan seems to mainly use it to pursue commercial interests. By contrast, Chinese aid is, in essence, cooperation and mutual support between developing countries. This fundamental difference helps to explain why Beijing's aid is so different from that of the Western donors.     

中国对外援助在柬埔寨

中国对柬埔寨的援助可以分为第一阶段(1953～1989年)与第二阶段(1990～2009年).第一阶段的援助基于国际主义与大国责任,对柬埔寨援助不考虑经济回报,军事援助占的比重较大,在执行上以总交货人部制为典型;第二阶段中国对柬埔寨援助强调尽国际主义义务要量力而行,讲究平等互利,军事援助大幅度减少,执行上以企业总承包责任制为典型.中国对柬埔寨的援助符合双方的利益,大大促进了双边关系,但也存在一些不足.作者针对这些不足提出了相应的改进建议.     

Does Foreign Aid Promote Democracy?

Aid potentially can contribute to democratization in several ways: (1) through technical assistance focusing on electoral processes, the strengthening of legislatures and judiciaries as checks on executive power, and the promotion of civil society organizations, including a free press; (2) through conditionality; and (3) by improving education and increasing per capita incomes, which research shows are conducive to democratization. This study provides a multivariate analysis of the impact of aid on democratization in a large sample of recipient nations over the 1975–2000 period. Using two different democracy indexes and two different measures of aid intensity, no evidence is found that aid promotes democracy. This result is robust to alternative model specifications and estimation techniques, including the use of exogenous instruments for aid. Results are similar if the analysis is confined to the post–Cold War period (1990–2000), despite the reduced dependence of the U.S. and other donors on pro-Western authoritarian regimes among aid recipient nations.     

印度与中国招商引资比较分析

文章以中国和印度两个国家的招商引资为研究对象 ,分别从国家竞争力、招商引资的法律、法规、招商引资的方式、维护国家经济安全的角度进行了对比分析 ,从而揭示中国招商引资的成效与不足。     

我国对外关系大事记(1999年9月—11月)

亚洲 9月2～6日 江主席访问泰国.访问期间,江主席会见了泰国国王普密蓬]总理川·立派、国会主席万诺、大理院院长屏滴,并在泰国国家文化中心发表演讲.……     

2003年中国外交

20 0 3年世界形势的重要特点之一是 ,国际上对中国的关注程度明显比以往提高了。毫无疑问 ,年初中国新一届领导集体闪亮登场 ,是引起国际社会极大兴趣的一个重要原因。而今年众多国家领导人访华的一个重要考虑也是为了尽早与中国新领导人建立关系。同时 ,今年也是中国的“外交年”。中国在处理朝核危机中的高超外交技巧、在处理与周边国家关系中表现出高度自信以及在八国集团、APEC等多边外交场合展现出崭新风貌 ,赢得了国际社会的积极评价。国外舆论称赞中国为 2 0 0 3年国际舞台上的“明星”。今年 1 0月 2 7日出版的美国《时代》周刊称 ,“北京已成为国际舞台上一个越来越老练和成熟的角色”。一年来的外交实践充分体现了中国在国际事务中“有所作为”的主动性和创新精神 ,给我们留下了深刻的启示。值此岁末之时 ,本期我们特邀请中国现代国际关系研究所的几位专家举行对谈 ,试对 2 0 0 3年的中国外交作出总结和前瞻。作为一家之言刊登于此 ,预祝中国外交取得更大成绩。     

中国援外战略转变探析

随着和平与发展成为时代的主题,中国援外实现了从国际主义到注意时代主题、应对时代问题的转变。这表现在援助理念上,由国际主义到平等互利的转变;在战略目标上,由政治目标到经济目标的转变;在援助实践上,实现了不以意识形态为划分援助对象标准的转变。转变后的中国援外与OECD等发达援助体系相比,具有利他共赢、经济优先、效率高效等特点,也存在着治理体系现代化程度不高,援助领域不平衡等问题。为推动共建一带一路,构建合作共赢的国际新秩序,为人类共同发展做出贡献,中国援外在援助理念、战略目标、援助实践上实现新的再转变已成当务之急。     

Determinants of Foreign Aid: Rivalry and Domestic Instability

Foreign aid is usually seen as a form of international cooperation. Thus, the expectation is that states engaged in international rivalry with one another should be unlikely to provide each other aid. However, they do provide their enemies aid. We consider how situations of uncertainty influence aid transfers between states. We argue that states may provide each other aid to limit uncertainty from potential regime changes that could lead to war. Such uncertainty is particularly bad for rivals who are prone to militarized conflict. We find that rivals may provide one another foreign aid when one of the countries is experiencing regime-threatening levels of domestic instability. We compare these results to the behavior of nonrivals and find that: Rivals are likely to provide their enemies aid in times of uncertainty; rivals are no less likely to give aid to each other than are nonrivals; and rivals provide more aid during times of instability than do nonrivals.