试析越南公祭雄王的理据

雄王是越南国家和民间记忆中的英雄祖先,被越南人奉为“国祖”.在当代,雄王公祭成为越南建构其民族身份认同和国家政治认同的重要手段.其理据在于:雄王符号的民族和国家双重象征性,雄王公祭的历史延续性,雄王信仰被赋予的民族论、文化论话语,国家的法理支撑,广泛的民众基础以及越南世俗国家模式的特殊性.     

“南海问题化”的越南外交

本文从南海问题在越南外交中影响力不断增大的角度,解析越共十二大期间的越南外交。文章首先剖析越共十一大期间南海问题如何主导越南外交,再在此基础上分析越共十二大期间越南外交为南海问题所主导的可能性。南海问题在越南外交中的地位越来越重要,越来越影响到越南外交的走向以及多组重要的双边关系,影响到南海地区局势。越南外交被南海问题所主导,即越南外交"南海问题化"的背景因素包括:首先,越南的多重"危机感"折射到南海问题上,放大了南海问题对越南的影响力;其次,南海的重要性被空前提高,导致越南内政与外交在南海问题上的投入都越来越大;第三,专业外交团队的积极运作,是越南外交"南海问题化"的直接原因。上述三个方面因素在越共十二大期间,不仅不会消失,还有可能被进一步强化。此外,越南外交因南海问题而更趋活跃和积极,提升了越南的战略优势,为越南赢得了更多国际支持。所以,越共十二大期间越南外交"南海问题化"的态势会进一步强化。     

越南“经济危机”的非经济解读

根据2008年6月国内媒体着力报道越南"经济危机"的情况,本文着重探讨国内媒体关注越南的动因,并探讨越南经济"危机"与否.2007年末开始,持续走好的越南经济出现了若干困难,并持续到2008年.2008年6月,国内媒体大规模地报道越南的经济"危机"--楼市、股市等表现,同时也有学者用"较大困难"一词形容越南经济.国内媒体对越南的关注更多地是提醒中国.类似的关注模式此前也有出现.此类关注更多是借题发挥,而对越南的报道显得有些片面.     

泰国法王思想探源——兼评《“翻搅乳海”:吴哥寺中的神与王》

历史上暹罗从吴哥王朝借鉴了神化国王的思想和政治统治,但王权发展却别具一格,体现为法王文化。吴哥神王文化研究新作《"翻搅乳海":吴哥寺中的神与王》指出,吴哥寺搅乳海浮雕中有传统样式从未出现的角色——海底蛇王和中轴线上最高处手执器具的飞翔天神,分别是作为时间化身的蛇王舍沙和手执与创世关联的因陀罗网的天神因陀罗,二者发挥扶持神王的功能。然而当视野在时空上拓展,中南半岛以王权崇拜为核心的礼法文化提供了另一种解答:海底蛇王是基于本土女权文化礼俗——以那珈图腾为符号——的表达;手执器具的天神则是法的使者正在须弥山顶放置法典,是尚法的创意。搅乳海浮雕设计创意揭示了泰国法王思想的源头实际上存在于鼎盛时期的吴哥王朝。     

越南官方与民间对华博弈南海问题的"双簧"之道

越南民众在南海问题上针对中国的街头集会与示威等抗议行动,由零星的活动,逐渐演变成常态化的活动,表现形式是定期活动与突发活动相互交织在一起.定期活动往往出现在越南视角下具有重大纪念意义的时间点即每年的1月19日和3月14日,突发活动则会在一些重大事件的刺激下发生,如2014年的5月事件.越南民众针对南海问题的街头抗议,客观上因应并强化了越南官方在南海问题上的对华博弈,事实上形成了越南对华博弈南海问题的"双簧"态势.越南官方在此类活动中的放任(纵容)以及"收放自如"的管控,均显示出民间的此类行动事实上也符合越南官方对华博弈南海问题之需要.越南民间在南海问题上针对中国的行动,其实也是越南官方长期培育的结果.民间在街头集会和示威行动中的口号和主张——包括中国"侵略"越南和越南对于南海岛礁的"主权"主张,均来自于越南官方长期不懈的宣传以及对民间对华"负面认知"的培育,而且这种"培育"已经形成了有利于越南民间以街头集会示威为主的对华博弈南海问题的社会氛围.事实上,这种氛围的形成,也有利于越南形成对华博弈南海问题的"合力"之势和"双簧"效果.     

越南金兰湾建设与南海“平衡”战略

越南金兰湾是南海地区的重要战略港口。自2002年收回金兰湾以来,越南在金兰湾进行了一定的经济开发,同时将其打造为越南海军的主要基地。2016年3月,金兰国际港建成开港,至10月已有包括中、美、法、俄、印、日、新在内的多国军舰到访。金兰湾已经成为越南推进军事现代化,开展等距离外交的重要支点,凸显了其在南海的"平衡"战略。面对越南的南海"平衡"战略,我国要采取"再平衡"措施,通过岛礁建设与海军力量削弱金兰湾的战略价值,通过军事政治经济等综合措施抑制越南的民族主义冲动,在坚决维护南海主权的同时避免问题复杂化。     

越南武力统一的“复合权力结构”探析——兼论其对中国和平统一的启示

1976年越南武力统一的实现不单是因为美国从越南的撤军,也是复合权力结构综合作用的结果。本文通过对越南统一问题中全球硬权力结构、全球软权力结构、地区硬权力结构、地区软权力结构、国家硬权力结构以及国家软权力结构六个因素的比较分析,离析出了武力统一模式的重要因素"同质性复合权力结构",以及武力统一模式的关键因素"异质性复合权力结构",从而论证复合权力结构影响越南武力统一进程的研究假设。该结论对中国和平统一进程的推进具有重要的参考价值。     

越南西原的民族分裂势力及越之对策

越南西原的民族分裂问题是越南三大民族分裂问题中最严重的一个.法国的殖民统治催生了越南西原地区民族分离主义,而美国则支持和豢养了西原民族分裂势力.以"福洛"组织为首的西原民族分裂势力在越南国内外进行的以建立独立自治的"德伽国"为目的的民族分裂活动对越南的国家安全产生了严重影响.     

关于越南改革的对话

甲:近一、两年来,国内关心越南情况的人士,亦如国际社会一样,正以越来越浓厚的兴趣注视着越南的改革事业。有关这方面的研究也渐呈加强趋势。从目前所接触到的探讨和译介文章来看,有三个问题较值得关注:一是关于越南改革的时间表问题:二是关于越南经济改革的评价问题;三是有关越南的政治改革及改革过程中出现的某些社会问题。国内学术界在前两个问题上看法尚有分歧,而对后一问题则极少涉及。您看,我们是否就围绕这三个问题交换交换看法?     

关于俄罗斯是否患上“荷兰病”的实证分析

俄罗斯是否患上"荷兰病"的问题一直是个学术界近年来争论的焦点.本文根据 "荷兰病"的理论模型,分别从国际油价上涨是否导致汇率上升、制造业部门是否表现出"去工业化"现象和工资上涨的效应是否存在这三方面,运用协整检验等实证分析方法,讨论了俄罗斯是否患上"荷兰病"的问题,并综合三方面的实证分析结果,得出了俄罗斯存在一定程度的"荷兰病"现象的结论.     

Comments on ‘vietnamese anticolonialism’

Abstract

The review by Nguyen Cong Binh of Vietnamese Anticolonialism deals with the larger historical perspective of the anti-colonial movement from 1885 to 1925, questions of methodology, and theoretical concepts about Vietnamese history. Some aspects of the book are particularly interesting and germane to American readers, even if they have only a casual familiarity with contemporary Vietnamese history.     

The origins of the Vietnamese revolution: Taking the long view

Abstract

Americans knew little about Vietnam when they assumed command of the Indochina War in 1954. There were no American scholars who devoted their careers to its study, and, with the exception of Virginia Thompson's French Indochina and a few other works, there was no American body of work on the subject. And so, to better understand the political and social forces confronting them, Americans took possession of the entire French work on Vietnam as part of their legacy of war. Thus, as the first American scholars began to study the Vietnamese revolution, they built on the foundation laid by decades of French scholarly effort.     

Political Debates on Asylum Seekers during the Fraser Government, 1977–1982

Between 1977 and 1982, the Australian Government resettled over 54,000 Vietnamese refugees. It also admitted 2,059 Vietnamese asylum seekers who arrived by boat without state authorisation. Although the number of Vietnamese asylum seekers was significantly smaller than the number of Vietnamese refugees processed offshore in refugee camps, the unexpected arrival of these boat people stimulated debate in Parliament and in the press about an appropriate response. This article examines the language politicians used to describe Vietnamese asylum seekers and the arguments used to justify their inclusion or exclusion. The evidence demonstrates that the political rhetoric used in this period in Australia's immigration history cannot be solely categorised as inclusive or humane. Rather, the overall impression is one of resistance and pragmatism.     

The Vietnam Women's Movement for the Right to Live: a non-communist opposition movement to the American war in Vietnam

This article examines the political and diplomatic struggles in urban South Vietnam from the perspective of women in the Vietnamese Women’s Movement for the Right to Live (WRL) during the Vietnam War. This movement was a timely response to the American war of aggression, which had destroyed the fabric of South Vietnamese society and drastically diminished women’s position within it by 1970. Under the leadership of Mrs. Ngô Bá Thành, the WRL fought for peace and women’s liberation through political action and shrewd diplomacy. Unlike female guerrilla fighters, the WRL maintained political autonomy and neutrality throughout the conflict. As a result, it was violently repressed by the Saigon government and quickly disbanded after the communist victory in 1975. Nevertheless, studying these politically sophisticated women’s anti-war efforts is crucial to understanding the symbiotic yet destructive relationship between Third World women and American imperialism during the twentieth century. It also helps dismantle essentialist assumptions about Asian women as inherently submissive and politically naïve. The WRL is a sterling example of Vietnamese women’s ingenuity in their dual struggle for national liberation and gender equality.     

From Socio-nature to Spectral Presence: Re-imagining the Once and Future Landscape of Johannesburg

What distinguishes the global novel from other kinds of boundary-crossing narrative? And why are there so few examples of this genre from South Africa, a country of such salient worldwide interest? This essay reads Mark Behr’s 2009 novel Kings of the Water as a conflicted attempt to globalize South African literature, specifically the farm novel or plaasroman. In contrasting the complexity of the work’s South African setting with its under-developed representation of San Francisco, it traces Behr’s problematic relation to conventional thinking on global émigré fiction. The essay concludes that Kings of the Water is a timely case study in the ethical challenges of locational fixation, one that through its narrative configuration questions the dominance of the transnational paradigm.     

The Vietnamese experience and the third world

Abstract

Based on Vietnam's experience over the past years, I wish to make some general observations about development in the third world. The major consideration, though not the sole one, for my treating such a topic is undoubtedly my own participation in the Vietnamese experience and my personal familiarity with many of the aspects involved. Furthermore, the historical process has moved so fast over the past years in Vietnam that my country has passed rapidly through a succession of different phases. Over a period of 15 years, an adult would have lived under totally different social, political and economic regimes, directly experiencing such important movements as a war of national liberation, land reform, and the transition from a colonial and feudal regime to an independent and finally socialist state.     

国际金融危机对越南经济政策的影响

经济全球化使越南经济成为世界经济中一颗耀眼的新星,同时也使越南经济与世界经济的联系越来越紧密.本文首先分析了2007年底以来由美国引起的国际金融危机对越南经济的影响,接下来介绍了面对国际金融危机造成的经济下滑,越南政府提出的一系列的经济刺激计划,最后展望了越南的经济前景.     

Rejoinder to Adam Fforde

Abstract

The issue of scholarship regarding Asian socialist countries is by no means a new one. This has faced China scholars for a long time. The difficulties of gaining access to these countries, assessing information from elusive sources, and gathering data are common to all scholars of countries like China, Korea, and Vietnam. Of course, research conditions are less than ideal. Vietnam, Korea and China are to a large extent closed societies, even if we speak their languages. However, as I stated in the beginning of my article, my present purpose is to raise issues that I think should be discussed, and not to do an original piece based on anthropological fieldwork. But more than this, it seems to me that given the limited commentary on socialist states as Vietnam, any new issues that come up should be given wider currency. And this was another major purpose of my article—to bring to readers of the Bulletin new debates which have focused on Vietnam, specifically in French academic circles, among a number of Vietnamese economists and historians. It was in the context of these debates that I focus on selected issues and offer some judgments of my own.     

Festival and revolution in the highlands of Vietnam: A Vietnamese artist shows how the revolution came to a mountain people in Central Vietnam

Abstract

Spring Festival on the High Plateaus (figure 1) is the name given by Vietnamese artist Tran Huu Chat to an engraved, painted, and lacquered wooden panel executed in 1962 and acquired by the Museum of Fine Arts in Hanoi. As so often in Vietnamese art of recent decades, this large (120 × 96 cm), elaborate, and richly populated composition is socially and politically charged, but it is also of exceptional ethnographic significance. The theme of solidarity in revolutionary struggle between ethnic minorities and the Vietnamese majority is that of much Vietnamese art of the U.S. war period, especially poster art. Moreover, this homage to Vietnamese “primitives” is in the spirit of President Ho Chi Minh's own repudiation of racism; his 1945 Declaration of Independence avoids any equivalent of the term “merciless Indian savages” contained in its model, the U.S. Declaration of Independence.     

汉语汉字在越南的传播及其文化意义分析

汉语汉字在越南的传播既是中国封建统治者出于统治和开发边境民族文化的需要,更是越南封建王朝加强自身统治的需要。汉语汉字通过多种途径在越南进行传播,对越南社会政治文化以及语言文字的社会功能产生了广泛而深远的影响,它所包容的文化意义也就因此呈现出多方面性和多层次性。