破解主体与结构关系之谜--英国新马克思主义关于阶级问题的争论及其启示

阶级是历史唯物主义的核心概念之一,也是英国新马克思主义长期探讨的一个主题.作为英国新马克思主义的两个代表人物,在阶级问题的研究方法和阶级形成的界定上,爱德华·帕尔默·汤普森和佩里·安德森看法不一,观点上的严重分歧导致了两人激烈的争论,而主体与结构的关系问题就是两人争论的实质.只有以实践为基础,全面辩证地加以分析,这一问题才能得以解决.     

党政联合发文的备案审查问题

党政联合发文在我国国家治理中发挥着重要作用。近年来,党政联合发文数量日益增长,兼具党的文件与行政规范性文件"双重属性"的党政联合发文的备案审查问题日益凸显。实践中,党政联合发文存在法律性质不易界定、备案审查标准难以统一、备案审查主体不明、备案审查能力不足等问题。当前,可以从联合发文的属性识别机制、备案审查标准、备案审查主体、备案审查能力等方面予以完善。     

中国政府与国企关系的回顾与思考

20世纪70年代末期，政企分离作为经济体制改革的一个基本目标被确立下来，如何重新安排政府和企业在市场中的各自角色，建立适应市场经济要求的新型政企关系，成为改革的焦点，总结30年政企关系改革的经验，有着十分重要的现实意义。     

论法官与法律的关系--并及法律的未来

应该说,法官与法律的关系是以司法为视角进行法学研究时所应当关注的核心问题之一。本文在对已有相关理论进行评析的基础上得出了以下两个基本结论:其一,理想的法官与法律的关系应当是:法官乃法律的有限诠释者;其二,为了更好地保证法官与法律之间的这种理性互动关系,应当创制原则性法律。     

关于国家助学金工作中出现的问题及对策思考

在现行的高校助学体系中,助学金是帮助贫困生解决经济问题,顺利完成学业的一项重要资助政策。当前的高校对助学金工作十分重视,但是在助学金实际工作中存在着一些问题尚待解决,影响了助学金的效果。从助学金工作实际出发,提出当前助学金工作中存在的问题和难点,并分析问题产生原因,提出相应的解决对策,使助学金工作的顺利有效开展。     

唐宋“富民”崛起与国家因灾蠲免赋役对象的转变

在唐代前期,由于社会贫富分化不明显,户等之高低亦不能反映民众财产的实际情况,国家因灾蠲免赋役以普遍减放为主。而自唐中叶以后直至宋代,随着社会贫富分化的日渐加剧与富民阶层的崛起,国家在灾荒之时减免赋役的对象逐渐转变为以贫民下户为主。     

学术的功利性与超功利性——以美学研究为例

本试图以美学研究为例,讨论学术(人-社会科学研究)的功利必然性与超功利可能性。全重点在疏理对当今中国学术影响明显的为学术功利性辩护倾向的由来和内在基本理路,目的则是为了面对汹涌而来的学术功利性浪潮(现象及其合理性理论),为学术超功利的可能性争取应得的存在权利。本认为,学术必然要在面对功利性、抗拒功利性中追求学术的超功利性。     

政社关系的理顺与法治化塑造——社会组织参与社区治理的空间与进路

在城市社区治理中,政府与社会组织间失衡错位的关系是社区治理困境产生的根源。因此,理顺政府与社会组织间的关系是破解社区治理困境的重点,而法治正是理顺这一关系的重要工具。法治规则能明确地限定政府与社会组织间的互动路径,并控制政府与社会组织关系的基本走向。政府与社会组织间存在的指导、帮助与支持关系,分别对应了政府的监管、兜底与培育责任,并限定了政府介入社区治理的基本界限。在这样的关系之下,社会组织参与社区治理的可为空间广阔。与此同时,还可以通过法律赋权进一步拓展社会组织的可为空间。     

Immigration and the Imagined Community in Europe and the United States

Both Europe and the United States are confronting the challenges of economic and cultural integration posed by immigration. This article uses the ESS and CID surveys to compare transatlantic public opinion about immigrants and immigration. We find more tolerance for cultural diversity in the United States, but we also find that Americans, like Europeans, tend to overestimate the number of immigrants in their countries and tend to favor lower levels of immigration. The underpinnings of individual attitudes are similar in all countries and immigration attitudes are surprisingly unrelated to country-level differences in GDP, unemployment and the number and composition of the foreign born. An implication of these findings is that acceptance of higher levels of immigration, deemed by many to be an economic need, will require both more selective immigration policies and an emphasis on the cultural assimilation of newcomers.     

Facebook,the Conservatives and the Risk to Fair and Open Elections in the UK

The Conservative party spent £1.2 million on Facebook during the UK 2015 general election campaign. This enabled the party to target specific voters in marginal constituencies with tailored messages. Their use of Facebook in 2015 shows how central digital media had become to their campaign communication. It also shows, however, that this communication may be compromising the principles of fair and open elections in the UK, for example by allowing parties to effectively bypass constituency spending limits and avoid transparency. Unless electoral legislation and regulation are changed to take account of developments in digital media they are liable to become increasingly anachronistic and ineffective.     

Committees and the core of the Constitution

An ongoing debate in the formal theory of legislatures involves the question of why these institutions (apparently) manifest so much stability. That is, why do the institutions not continually upset policies adopted only a short time before? A large number of answers have been advanced. This paper proposes that the stability derives from the interaction of two factors, (i) the fundamental constitutional rules (bicameralism, executive veto, and veto override) that structure the legislative process, and (ii) the committee systems endowed with veto powers that many American legislatures have developed. This interaction, we argue, can create a core — a set of undominated points — so large that even a substantial change in the legislature's members (reflecting electoral outcomes, for example) will be unlikely to shift its location enough for the status quo to be upset.     

Right,the state and the conception of the person

The contemporary world‐historical epoch involves both the universal extension of the state type of organization of society, and the development of a universal idea of the person in the discourse of human rights. The status of the person requires positive constitution, and such constitution requires an idea of the state that informs the actual working of states. The idea of the state cannot be developed unless the natural right conception of the basis of personhood is abandoned. Nor can the idea of the state be developed if it continues to be confused with the idea of the nation. Hegel offers us an idea of the state that we can continue to build. For Hegel the state denotes both the institutional reality of the state and the subjectivity that is required if the idea of the state is to be actualized. There is a dialectical relationship between the adequacy of the state‐centered institutional order for the effective support and facilitation of personhood and our subjective capacity to be and act as persons. Thus, processes by which the idea of the state is undermined are not independent of subjective experience and our willingness to be and act as persons.     

保障民生 服务发展 实现人力资源和社会保障事业发展新跨越

<正>中共哈尔滨市委十二届八次全会,是一次在全市上下深入贯彻落实党的十七届四中全会精神,积极谋求哈尔滨市全面振兴历史进程中召开的一次具有重要和深远影响意义的会议。市委书记盖如垠同志所作的报告,从哈尔滨市实际出发     

全球化与认识两个“主义”关系的科学视角

全球化的实质是世界各国经济上相互间的联系更加紧密,政治和文化上的相互影响也大大增加。在全球化条件下,资本主义的各种矛盾在进一步普遍化的同时从新的方面进一步尖锐化。从而进一步向人们展示了现阶段资本主义的历史作用和地位。社会主义应当从资本主义主导的全球化中更多地汲取资本主义为人类进步创造的成果,才能成为资本主义的超越者和代替者。     

论新旧矛盾与结构矛盾

新旧矛盾是事物内部新的一方与旧的一方组成的矛盾,结构矛盾是事物内部不同部分、层次组成的矛盾.新旧矛盾的主要特征是相互限制、相互否定,结构矛盾的主要特征是相互促进、共同发展.新旧矛盾的主要作用是为事物发展开拓空间,结构矛盾的主要作用是为事物发展积蓄力量.解决新旧矛盾的主要方法是斗争,解决结构矛盾的主要方法是和谐.     

Brexit and the British Constitution: Reflections on the Last Three years and the Next Fifty

The decision to leave the EU provoked the biggest constitutional crisis of recent British history. The referendum—a device for circumventing the parliamentary process—was followed by conflict between a minority government and a majority of MPs unwilling to leave the EU without satisfactory alternative arrangements. The courts, drawn into this conflict, upheld conventions that sustain the authority of Parliament and restrain the despotic power of ministers. The reaction of members of the current government was to take disreputable and anti-democratic positions against both the Speaker of the House of Commons and the courts. They now have a sufficient majority in Parliament to resume adherence to constitutional conventions and restore a political culture of debate and tolerance, but they show little sign of doing so, and there is a risk that they will do irreparable damage to the political culture that underpins democracy.     

Mahmud Muhammad Taha and the Rise and Demise of the Jumhuri Movement

Mahmud Muhammad Taha founded the Jumhuri (Republican) Party in 1945 in the context of the fight for Sudan's independence. The nature of the party's ideology went through a radical change after Taha emerged from a mystical retreat in 1951. In the light of this ideology, the party advocated a "neo-Islamist" position committed to a reconciliation of Islam and modernity. Some of Taha's social and political stances are critically examined. Particular attention is paid to the reasons at the root of the demise of the Jumhuri movement after Taha's execution in January of 1985.     

On the distribution of federal taxes and expenditures,and the new war between the states

As federal government expenditures have grown, there has been an increasing awareness of the distribution of taxes and expenditures across states. States in the Northeast have claimed that sunbelt states have been getting more than their fair share of federal spending, with the sunbelt states denying the charge. A theory of political coalitions is developed to explain why the sunbelt should be unable to receive differentially high expenditures, although the sunbelt may pay less than a proportional amount in taxes because of its relatively low income. An empirical test shows that the data are in agreement with this theory.     

Whitehall and the Refugees: The 1930s and the 1990s

Abstract

In this paper, originally presented on the occasion of the launch of her book concerning British immigration policy towards Jewish refugees from 1933 to 1948, London compares that past with present British immigration policy and attitudes towards it. She argues, above all, that the same worry about the long-term effects of immigration—that is, that refugees would settle in the country and not return home or move on—that very much influenced the tendency to inhibit aid to Jewish refugees in the 1930s and 1940s, is still very much alive today. While the legal situation of refugees and the kinds of persecution from which they seek refuge are different in the two periods in question, the 1930s and the 1990s—there are now, for instance, international conventions on refugees to which Britain is a signatory—British immigration policies of both periods are marked by many of the same priorities and many of the same attitudes towards and perceptions of refugees. In closing, she sounds a warning that an understanding of the past, crucial as it is, should not be mistakenly used to justify a lack of humanity in the present.     

Religion and the dualism of the social condition in Durkheim and Bataille

One important legacy of the Collège de sociologie is its development of certain Durkheimian themes, particularly those concerning religion. Both Durkheim and Bataille sought to understand religion and the sacred not as mere cultural phenomena but as defining features of personal, social and economic life. The members of the Collège, and especially Bataille, sought to subject both society and sociology to a radical form of interrogation. Like Durkheim, if in different ways, they sought to situate and address the commitments of social inquiry at the centre of their work rather than at its margins. This article suggests how Bataille can be said to have adopted and radicalized a Durkheimian emphasis on a dualism central to both personhood and society, while rejecting a Durkheimian faith in an evolving sociological enlightenment.