杜勒斯拒绝与周恩来握手的真相

有关报刊上刊有关于1954年日内瓦会议期间美国国务卿杜勒斯拒绝与周恩来握手的文史稿。事实到底是怎么一回事呢？根据笔者对当年随周恩来参加日内瓦会议、万隆会议当事人的采访,得出结论是：根本没有这回事。     

周恩来的三次醉酒

周恩来能喝酒,但往往只有高兴的时候才喝,偶也有心情不佳时的应酬.周恩来饮酒一般很有节制,经历过无数酒宴,喝醉酒的时候很少,且都发生在他高兴愉快、情绪极佳的状态下.     

日内瓦与裁军谈判会议

美丽的国际名城日内瓦不仅因为她景色迷人而成为旅游者蜂涌而至的“麦加”城,而且更由于许多国际组织及会议机构设立于此而成为政治家、外交家纵横捭阖、大显身手的政治舞台。从著名的日内瓦议定书的签订到里根一戈尔巴乔夫的首脑会晤,这个古老的城市目睹了世界局势的风云变幻,领略了现代历史的沧桑变化。特别是第二次世界大战结束以来,这个城市以她独特的风姿接待了不少的国际名流和政府要员,我们敬爱的周恩来总理也在日内瓦湖畔     

周恩来与内蒙古人民的情谊

周恩来为内蒙古人民的政治解放、经济发展、文化进步倾注了大量的心血,做出了卓越的贡献。针对内蒙古自治区成立初期疾病流行、人口下降的状况,他创造性地提出"人畜两旺"的政策,使内蒙古摆脱了梅毒病的困扰;乌兰牧骑作为内蒙古最具代表性的文艺团体,曾先后12次受到周恩来的接见。在"文化大革命"特殊时期,周恩来力挽狂澜维护了内蒙古自治区社会生活的正常秩序,他还鼓励自己的亲侄女到内蒙古插队生活。主要陈述周恩来与内蒙古人民的情谊。     

周恩来与毛泽东领导地位的确立

周恩来是党和红军的杰出领导人,他大公无私,举贤让能,为确立毛泽东在党和红军中的领导地位做出重要贡献。红军长征前,他一直支持毛泽东的工作,极力维护毛泽东的军事指挥权;红军长征初期,他采纳毛泽东的正确主张,并推举他进入党和红军的最高决策圈;遵义会议后,他多方努力,使毛泽东在党内的影响力和威望不断提高,最终走上党的最高领导岗位。     

周恩来行政民主思想

周恩来在２６年总理生涯中,运用马克思主义基本原理,结合中国国情,提出了一整套行政民主思想,主要包括行政决策中的民主,行政执行中的民主、人事行政中的民主和行政民主监督思想等,并且成为政府民主管理的典范。周恩来的一系列行政民主思想,如阐明分析高度集权的体制弊端,提出要适当给地方和企业分权的思想;要建立各种制度,提供多种渠道让人民监督政府的思想;要淡化管理中的权力色彩,反对官僚主义,实行柔性管理的思想等等,对于我们今天的改革依然具有重要的启示和参考价值。     

周恩来与中尼边界谈判

由于历史遗留的原因,新中国成立初期同尼泊尔存在边界争议。两国边界问题能否有效地解决,对于新中国的周边关系来说显得格外重要。周恩来在中尼两国边界问题的谈判中起着至关重要的作用,是圆满解决中尼边界问题的主要推动者。中尼边界问题的成功解决,对今天处理边界问题仍有着重要的借鉴意义。     

至孝周恩来

周恩来父亲名叫周贻能,字懋臣,在周恩来出生前两三年时更名为劭纲。周劭纲一生颠沛流离,走南闯北,四处谋生。虽然生活清苦,话语不多,但他十分有主见,对儿子周恩来投身革命“从不阻拦,在内心里他是支持的”。1931年,他曾到上海,冒着极大的危险帮助周恩来做过通信联络工作。后来因斗争形势严峻,父子又分别了。     

周恩来的民生情怀

1958年9月1日，在周恩来的运筹下，经过两个月的紧张筹备，密云水库正式动工。     

周恩来两救叶圣陶

周恩来总理特别关心党外朋友。我在任叶圣陶先生秘书期间,就知道周总理曾两次救叶先生脱离险境。 1948年11月,叶先生应中国共产党邀请,赴解放区参加新政协会议。他于1949年     

周恩来公仆精神探析

弘扬公仆精神展现了党的群众路线的实践要求,周恩来继承和发扬了马克思主义公仆思想,内化为高尚的公仆精神,主要体现在四个主要方面:自觉树立公仆意识展现了周恩来为人民服务的鲜明态度,积极躬行公仆实践是周恩来为人民服务的内在本色,密切联系群众是为人民服务的实践路径,永葆公仆本色是周恩来为人民服务的崇高境界。解析周恩来公仆精神对于美丽中国建设和小康社会的生成无疑具有重大的现实意义。     

Salem with and without witches,and also Geneva and Berlin

Public Choice - Peter Bernholz’s cases of supreme values exhibit authoritarianism, totalitarianism and terror. Supreme values are, however, a necessary, but not sufficient condition for...     

International court curbing in Geneva: Lessons from the paralysis of the WTO Appellate Body

The 21st century has witnessed a backlash against many international courts (ICs). Studies of IC backlash have generally taken an optimistic tack, noting that most courts have survived backlash intact or—in the case of the paralyzed Appellate Body (AB) of the World Trade Organization (WTO)—are likely to do so after a temporary period of slumber. In this context, this paper analyzes the United States' successful effort to paralyze the AB, deriving lessons from this deviant case of backlash against one of the world's most active and independent ICs. Undertaken in the context of the “Reversing Delegation” research project, this account is organized in five parts. First, I demonstrate that the creation of the AB was a classic instance of delegation of dispute-settlement power, and that the AB quickly emerged as an active agent of trade liberalization. Second, I explore the roots of politicization, noting that dissatisfaction with AB jurisprudence preceded the Trump administration, although Trump's delegitimation of the AB was more far-reaching than that of his predecessors. Third, I examine the administration's use of the veto power to paralyze the AB, an act of de facto de-delegation. Fourth, I assess the pushback from the many other WTO members that sought to defend the AB, showing how they failed to blunt the US campaign. Fifth, I analyze the remarkably successful outcome of the US attack, and draw lessons for judicial independence and the rule of law in international politics.     

周学熙与启新洋灰公司的创办

启新洋灰公司是近代中国的著名企业,它由"北方实业之父"周学熙在唐山细棉土厂的基础上兴办.20世纪初,周学熙在袁世凯的支持下,几经努力,从英商手中收回唐山细棉土厂,更名为"启新洋灰股份有限公司".在周学熙的管理下,启新洋灰公司发展成为华北乃至全国工业巨擘.正是这家企业,与后来兴建的北洋滦州官矿有限公司一起,奠定了周氏资本集团的基础.     

Party Propaganda in Motion: Finland 1954–1991

This study addresses itself to the election campaigns of political parties in Finland and the changes which have taken place over time. Political parties are no longer strictly defined by ideology-rigid class structures have disappeared; and the primary hypothesis is that the parties have grown increasingly similar with respect to propaganda techniques and voter orientation. The empirical data in this study are based on the election platforms and campaign posters of the four largest parties in preparation for the parliamentary elections of 1954, 1966, 1975, 1987 and 1991. In order to elucidate the election propaganda of the political parties even further, a partial examination has been made of election campaign advertising by individual parties and candidates in four political affiliated newspapers as well as in an independent daily newspaper.
The primary hypothesis is clearly supported by this research: political parties have structured their rhetoric to appeal to all voters as opposed to having earlier directed their message to a traditional voter class/category, such as farmers, manual workers and white collar workers. The Communist party platform of 1975, which displayed a high degree of class/category specific orientation, constitutes an exception from this rule. The use of offensive propaganda has decreased, but there are exceptions from this rule as well. This article serves as a summary of the main findings of my licentiate thesis in political science at the Abo Academy University.     

Social Structure and Campaign Style: Finland 1954–1987

This study addresses the hypothesis concerning the ideological convergence of political parties in light of election campaigns in Finland. The basic expectation is that the parties have become more alike in terms of their orientation vis-à-vis the electorate and in their use of propaganda techniques. The empirical data consists of editorials in the leading newspapers of the four largest Finnish parties in connection with the parliamentary election campaigns of 1954, 1966, 1975 and 1987. The main hypothesis is clearly corroborated, as traditional elements such as class orientation have been replaced by references to the nation at large and to the political elite. A re-ideologization could be noted in connection with the 1975 campaign, followed by a strong de-ideologization in 1987. Despite the virtual disappearance of offensive propaganda techniques, recent campaigns were not found to be decisively less 'propagandists' than the earlier ones.     

一部研究温州建制城市化的专著

加快中国城市化进程,是21世纪加快中国现代化步伐的重要战略部署。研究和探讨中国城市化战略,是当代中国理论界、决策界、各级领导部门及实际工作者都十分关注的热点问题。近年来,围绕着中国城市化战略问题,发表和出版了一大批的论文和著作,见仁见智,对加快中国城市化进程起了积极的理论支持作用。近日,社会科学文献出版社出版的中共温州市委党校金勇兴同志撰写的《聚集与扩散温州建制镇城市化研究》一书,对城市化课题研究进行了有益的探索。