The C.T.A. case: A study in political corruption

Between 1984 and 1987, a wide-ranging corruption scandal in Pennsylvania resulted in the conviction and disgrace of a number of high-ranking elected officials, as well as the much publicized suicide of state Treasurer R. Budd Dwyer. This C.T.A. case initially appeared to be a straightforward and almost commonplace affair involving bribes and kickbacks to secure state contracts; but on further examination, this seemingly uncomplicated case can be shown to have involved elaborate conflicts at both state and federal level, and the direction and outcome of the prosecution were heavily influenced by political factors and bureaucratic self-interest.This paper will provide a narrative of the C.T.A. case and related incidents, and also describe the external factors which shaped the investigation. Particular emphasis will be placed on the complex relationship between state-level political interests and the activities of federal prosecutors. The C.T.A. affair offers an excellent illustration of the difficulty of gaining an accurate understanding of even an apparently simple case of political corruption, and the implication is that more elaborate incidents are even less amenable to any kind of academic or social scientific observation. The case can only be understood if full account is taken of the prosecutorial and investigative process which turned the original illegal transactions into a full-blown public scandal, factors which are often insufficiently emphasized in research on political corruption.     

Force and fraud: A radically coherent criticism of corrections as industry

As radical criminology continues to gain popularity among a new generation of scholars, there are several troubling developments that ought to be met with caution. First, many emergent writings seem to take a benevolent state for granted. Second, there is a tendency to present radical ideas in a vocabulary that is so abstruse that it is difficult to decipher precisely how social change might be realized. As a remedy to these problems, this article relies on blunt language to analyze the corrections industry; by doing so, it focuses on market principles shaping key mechanisms of social control, namely force and fraud. In terms of force, the US criminal justice apparatus is too often harsh and coercive, particularly for the poor and racial minorities. Compounding matters, citizens rarely challenge such force due in large part to fraudulent governmental insistence that tough on crime initiatives are necessary to maintain public safety. Among the items discussed within this framework are public misperceptions of crime and punishment, the production of prisoners in a capitalist system, and the encouragement of excessive incarceration producing financial and ideological dividends for the state as well as the private sector.     

Identification of the cranium of W.A. Mozart

In 1801 at the cemetery in Vienna, Austria, the skull of W.A. Mozart was exhumed (La Chronique Médicale, 13 (1906) 423), and now it has been examined for identification. The osteometrical and osteological findings correspond with the available data of W.A. Mozart. Superimposition gives evidence that craniofacial distinctiveness of the cranium is consistent with the portrait. Additional individual particularities caused by the premature synostosis of the metopic suture (PSMS) and a bone lesion are described.     

George W. Bush in Political Time: The Janus Presidency

This essay places George W. Bush's presidency and the Bush administration in some historical context by applying the model of "political time" developed in recent books by Stephen Skowronek (2008 ) and Keith Whittington (2007 ). My thesis is that Bush's political failure during his second term was largely the result of structural tensions created by the attacks of September 11, 2001, that no leader could have overcome. This argument is an extension of Skowronek's and Whittington's views that the executive branch's relationship to other governing institutions is shaped primarily by the president's relative position in the party system. In essence, 9/11 undermined the coalition forged by Ronald Reagan by pushing President George W. Bush to pursue radical change. These actions could not be squared with his need, as the leader of the majority party, to maintain electoral stability. A presidency divided against itself in this way cannot, and did not, stand.     

Anything less is not feminism: Racial difference and the W.M.W.M.

Feminism is the political theory and practice to free all women: women of colour, working class women, poor women, physically challenged women, lesbians, old women as well as white heterosexual, economically privileged women. Anything less is not feminism, but merely female self-aggrandisement. White Middle-class Women's Movement. My special thanks to Susie Gibson for her insight and support on this project. Thanks to Akua Rugg for being there.     

The murder-suicide. A study of the postagressional suicide

The authors studied a series of 18 cases of homicide followed by suicide or attempted suicide by the aggressor, analyzing: 1) the frequency of such acts; 2) the age and sex of the aggressors; 3) the means or arms used for the murder and suicide; 4) the period of time between the two events; and 5) the motives for the homicides and the relationship between the victims and their aggressors.     

从却伯对伊利的批判看“反多数难题”中的程序思维

"反多数难题"是美国宪法学中聚讼纷纭的经典议题,其中有两条重要的线索,即以伊利的"代议增强论"为代表的"程序宪法"论和以却伯的"看不见的宪法"为代表的"高级法论",前者是程序思维的体现,后者是实质思维的体现;而在两者分歧中则展现了这两种法律思维彼此之间的张力。虽然"反多数难题"是美国宪政中的一个独有难题,但其中的程序思维和实质思维及其互相之间的关系命题,却是具有普遍意义和参考价值的。