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1.
印度尼西亚历史上首次总统直接选举经过两轮投票的较量,民主党候选人苏西洛在第二轮投票中,以近61%的得票率遥遥领先现任总统梅加瓦蒂,成为印尼独立宫的新主人.  相似文献   

2.
2011年3月30日,缅甸内比都联邦议会大厦,缅甸联邦共和国首任总统的就职仪式在这里举行。此时此刻站在聚光灯中心的人一身缅甸传统民族服装,他就是2月4日在联邦议会上当选总统的吴登盛。  相似文献   

3.
近10年台湾岛内的政治一直处在风雨飘摇之中,过去夹杂在“共产世界”和“民主世界”之间,现在又夹在中国大陆与美国两强之间。岛内人民在政治人物不断的挑动下,逐渐去思考和把握不同的政治立场,乃至“国家认同”,并由此分裂成不同的群体。岛内的人民大约有35%是希望“独立”的,其中又有1/3是不惜一战也要“独立”的人。大约也有35%的人是接受“一国两制”的。其他30%的中间选民是看哪  相似文献   

4.
左翼的策略     
不可否认,信息革命带来了许多新的东西。资本不仅仅可以达到世界上最遥远的地方,而且能够作为一个单一的单位在全球范围内发挥作用。世界已经日益地作为一个全球资本市场在运作。而生产  相似文献   

5.
6.
欧洲左翼党派酝酿成立"欧洲左翼党"   总被引:3,自引:1,他引:2  
据德国www.rf-news.de、tagsschau.de、www.jungewelt.de、www.pds-online.de等网站报道,2004年1月10、11日,受德国民主社会主义党的邀请,来自欧洲17个国家的19个社会主义和共产主义政党的代表在柏林州议院大厦举行会议,就欧洲左翼联合起来,成立一个“欧洲左翼党”(die Partei der Europ(?)ischen Linken)进行了协商。参加会议的除德国民社党外,还有法国共产党、意大利重建共产党等。  相似文献   

7.
在当今美国政府中,总统助理及其行为,越来越引起人们的重视,那么他们究竟是些什么角色?其产生、发展、作用以及对美国政治的影响如何?本文拟就上述问题加以简要论述。一、总统助理制度的建立美国的总统助理制度是指通过由总统的亲信、顾问和行政人员组成的总统办事机构来协助总统处理国内外事务的一种制度,它的奠基  相似文献   

8.
在目前的欧洲,挪威的左翼社会党参与执政;意大利激进的重建共产党是左翼联盟的关键参与者;德国的左翼党有可能成为左翼的新代言人;法国具有分裂历史传统的左翼联合起来明确反对欧盟宪法条约草案。但这并不是说所有国家的左翼处境都得到了改善。在去年的西班牙选举中,左翼联合党  相似文献   

9.
2005年9月公布的扶桑版历史教科书的采用率约为0.38%,这是全日本“反对战争、追求和平的人们良知的胜利、草根民主主义的胜利”。  相似文献   

10.
宗教在美国政治中的地位日显重要,统治阶级利用一部分的基督教团体为自己的利益服务。这部分宗教团体得到很多的资助,有很好的组织,能通过电视和广播影响数百万的民众。通过布什所谓的“以宗教为基础的优先行动”,它们获得了国家税收中数百万的拨款,近20多年来也成为极右翼势力关注的中心。近些年尤其是“9·11”以来,布什政府利用了大量的宗教语言和宗教形象(其中大多数是基督教的)为政府的政策提供支持。真诚的宗教情感被用来为伊拉克战争辩护。那些最为反动的政治家的讲演不仅使用“自由”、“解放”等字样,也借助“上帝”等字样。由马丁…  相似文献   

11.
2010年2月7日,在哥斯达黎加4年一度的大选中,前副总统劳拉·钦奇利亚得票46.7%,以绝对优势当选总统,成为这个有着“中美洲的瑞士”及“花园国家”美称的国度历史上首位女总统,并于5月8日就职。这是哥斯达黎加在女性获得选举权后60个年头中选出的首位女总统。在9位总统候选人中,钦奇利亚是唯一的女性,她并不是传奇人物,而是一步一个台阶,由众多因素造就出来的“实力派”选手,使得巾帼不让须眉再次传为美谈。  相似文献   

12.
We estimate a structural life-cycle model for retirement behaviour using work history records of the main Uruguayan pension programme. The estimated coefficient of relative risk aversion is around 1.5 and the estimated discount rate is about 1.8 per cent per annum. The marginal disutility of work increases with age and is larger for women than men, and for private than public employees. Simulations show a very low impact of the 1995 pension reform on retirement ages. Many individuals in this population respond little to economic incentives and some individuals would advance rather than postpone retirement after the reform.  相似文献   

13.
In order to understand how the Tupamaros ended it is necessary to give an overview of Uruguay's situation in the 1950s and 1960s and explain why in this relatively rich South American country an urban guerilla group developed. The first section presents the topographical, historical, socio-political and ideological context in which the Tupamaros emerged. The following sections describe the violent organization's “career” and point out some of its structural traits such as ideology, strategy and tactics, support milieu and interaction dynamics. As to the end of the guerilla group, first the question is discussed whether a pacific outcome of the conflict by negotiations would have been possible. Then the reasons for the rapid and total military defeat of the insurgents are analyzed as well as the long-term consequences of their organization's destruction.  相似文献   

14.
Abstract

Although there is substantial empirical evidence supporting the important role of leadership in organizational contexts, there is limited empirical evidence that focuses on the distinction between how employees feel about senior leaders and what they think about senior leaders. This is particularly true in the public-sector environment. In this paper, a model is tested that identifies key consequences of affectively and cognitively based perceptions of public-sector senior leadership. Data collected from a large public-sector organization were examined to identify the correlates of affectively and cognitively weighted perceptions of leadership. A series of regression analyses was conducted to identify more clearly the extent to which affectively and cognitively based perceptions of leadership influenced affective commitment, attitudes to change, intention to turnover, and extra-role performance. The results suggest that both affectively and cognitively based perceptions of leadership influenced organizational commitment and cynicism toward change. Extra-role behavior was influenced by the affective dimension alone, and intention to turnover was influenced by the cognitive dimension alone. The results also showed a significant interaction between the affective and cognitive dimensions in predicting intention to turnover. In general terms, the findings will prove helpful to human resource practitioners interested in diagnosing and managing the transformational leadership climate in public-sector organizations.  相似文献   

15.
本刊记者 《当代世界》2009,(2):14-15,13
前不久,马来西亚华人公会(马华公会)总会长、马来西亚政府交通部长翁诗杰应中国共产党邀请率团访华。马华公会是马来西亚乃至东南亚最大的华人政党,是马来西亚执政联盟中的第二大党。翁诗杰总会长2008年10月就任马华公会总会长,这是他就任后首次出访。访华期间,翁诗杰总会长热情地接受了本刊专访。  相似文献   

16.
3月12日上午11时54分,当韩国国会议长朴宽用敲下木锤宣布:弹劾执政仅一年的韩国最高领导人卢武铉总统的议案以193票对2票获得通过时,首次决定终止韩国总统行使总统权力这一决定刷新了56年来的韩国宪政历史.  相似文献   

17.
盛情迎贵宾 十月的平壤,金风送爽,秋色宜人.大同江秋水潺潺,牡丹峰松柏苍翠.28日上午,平壤市区处处彩旗招展,标语醒目.几十万平壤市民身着节日盛装,手持花束标牌,从四面八方汇集到主要街道的两侧,秩序井然地列好队伍,静静地迎候来自友好邻邦的贵宾--中共中央总书记、国家主席胡锦涛同志的莅临.深秋季节,原应满地落黄的市区道路,却打扫得一尘不染.  相似文献   

18.
Military coups d'état have become dramatically less frequent in Latin America over the past 20 years, leading many analysts to conclude that the risk of coups in the region today is negligible. Yet we observe that a particular subset of presidents in the region—namely, those commonly associated with the radical left—pursue a wide range of “coup-proofing” behaviors, primarily in the way that they manage relations with their militaries, but also in their political rhetoric. Our goal in this article is to explain why some Latin American presidents spend precious resources on coup-proofing. First, even as we demonstrate that coup activity is significantly diminished across the region as a whole, we offer evidence to suggest that coup risk is quite real in countries with radical left presidents. Second, we identify several specific strategies that these presidents have pursued to minimize coup risk. We explain the coup-proofing rationale behind each of these strategies and document their use in Venezuela, Bolivia, and Ecuador. Third, we show that no similar set of strategies or policies has been pursued by moderate leftist or more conservative presidents in the region. We infer from these empirical patterns that radical left presidents have undertaken substantial efforts to maintain military allegiance and to mitigate coup risk precisely because they recognize the possibility of military intervention. In our conclusion, we suggest that these strategies may confer a short-term benefit for the presidents who implement them, but they are likely to have negative consequences for the long-term stability of democratic institutions.  相似文献   

19.
Abstract

This study examines the effects of social embeddedness on interest in politics and electoral behaviour using data from a nationally representative survey conducted shortly after the 2011 presidential election in Kyrgyzstan. We find that interest in politics is positively associated with community trust, public sector employment and a sense of national belonging. Controlling for the effects of interest in politics, community trust and public sector employment are also positively associated with voting in this election, whereas evidence on ethno-cultural inclusion is mixed. These findings highlight the role of social embeddedness in political participation in young post-communist democracies.  相似文献   

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