Government Enterprises & Industrial Relations in Late Qing China

This study examines the development of labour organisation and industrial action among workers in government enterprises in the late Qing (1860-1912). Because these were the largest industrial enterprises using the most advanced machinery, one expects that the workers in them would play the leading role in labour organisation. Further, during the centuries-long gestation period, the period of embryonic capitalism, workers in traditional enterprises had already developed a tradition of industrial action. Yet this tradition of protest did not appear to have contributed much to labour activism in the modern government works. Quite the contrary, it was in private industries, whether Chinese- or foreign-owned, that we find a higher level of labour organisation and activism. This is an unexpected discovery, for which an explanation is attempted.     

Unlearning the Discipline: Decolonising International Relations Through Pedagogy and Praxis

The discipline of International Relations (IR) in Australia, as elsewhere, is steeped in historical and ongoing violence, including violences of colonisation. The way that IR is taught and practised in Australia reproduces the discipline's erasures and ignorance of the effects of colonisation and ongoing forms of marginalisation, knowledge extraction, and harm that normalise existing structures of power. In this article, we ask how mainstream theories, pedagogies, and practices of IR scholarship in Australia contribute to the ongoing coloniality of the discipline and reproduce these geospatial hierarchies and structures of marginalisation and exclusion. We argue that, as teachers, we have to consistently engage in un-doing the violence of disciplinary history. We theorise that this is so because the artefacts we teach are the product of a knowledge life cycle immersed in, and structured by, coloniality and hierarchy. Drawing on a survey of Australian universities' IR curricula and interviews with their instructors, in addition to our own research training and practice as Australian IR academics, we examine how, if, and when it is possible to connect decolonial theory with practice and to thus generate decolonial praxis in the production of IR knowledge.     

Vietnam’s and China’s Diverging Industrial Relations Systems: Cases of Path Dependency

ABSTRACT

This article explains why Vietnam and China, one-party states that allow only one official trade union, are traversing different paths in their trade unions’ institutional structures, the state’s and trade union’s attitudes towards strikes, their willingness to allow independent trade unions and willingness to engage with the international labour union movement. These will be examined in terms of the path dependency of their recent histories, in which changes have been incremental on a path laid down by pre-existing entrenched institutions, until each national system no longer operated properly and new contingencies obliged the leadership to revamp the system. As a consequence of China’s and Vietnam’s divergent path dependencies, when external contingencies finally forced institutional change, countries have veered onto divergent trajectories – the Trans-Pacific Partnership energising Vietnam to debate the acceptance of autonomous trade unions, while Xi Jinping in China has intensified Party control over industrial relations.     

Discipline and power: knowledge of China in political science

Mainstream political science treats China as an anomaly that has not followed the “right” path of development, that is, a path that confirms the worldview, normative values, knowledge, and expectations of a Euromodern origin. This essay identifies inherent biases in the discipline and shows how the dominant disciplinary approach to Chinese politics has largely remained focused on validating questionable political-scientific tenets. A tentative proposal is offered for intellectual steps toward more openness and efficacy in disciplinary knowledge production and consumption. The argument is not about overcoming Eurocentrism by promoting Chinese exceptionalism. On the contrary, it is political, and challenges the power of current organizing principles of knowledge in search of a more accurate and cogent understanding of Chinese and global politics.     

中国与东盟双边贸易关系评析

本文运用贸易结合度、贸易依存度等指标分析了中国与东盟双边贸易发展的特点 ,并从商品构成、贸易竞争力和产业内贸易三个方面 ,就中国与东盟的双边贸易关系进行了分析。     

俄罗斯与美欧关系变化及对中国的影响

2014年初乌克兰危机爆发后,俄罗斯与美欧关系降到冷战结束后的最低点。但是,具有战略忍耐力的俄罗斯调整对外政策,先是在叙利亚战场打开局面,接着在2019年与美欧的关系也出现缓和。俄美领导人举行会晤,两国外长互访,两国开始就是否延长《新削减战略武器条约》进行谈判。同时,俄美在军备竞赛、地区冲突、人文限制等领域的争斗依旧激烈。随着2020年美国总统大选临近,通俄门阴影是否可能再度影响俄美关系,存在较大的不确定性。俄与欧盟关系相对来说比较稳定,双方都有改善关系、加强合作的愿望。乌克兰问题是影响俄欧关系的重要因素之一,2019年乌克兰总统选举后乌俄关系出现某些松动与对话端倪,这将使俄欧关系在2020年继续朝着缓和与合作的方向发展。美国对俄政策调整对俄中关系也许会产生某种影响,但是对整个俄中关系不会发生大的作用。俄乌关系打破僵局、俄欧加强合作则符合中国的立场和利益,中国乐观其成。     

The Republican Theories of Rousseau and the American Anti-Federalists

For almost four decades preceding the 1787-88 ratification debates — during which American Federalists drew severe criticism from the Anti-Federalists — Enlightenment politics in Europe had been undergoing equally severe criticism from Jean-Jacques Rousseau. Though largely unaware of each other, both of these critics advanced distinctive republican theories based on civic virtue and individual liberty. Rousseau argued for a republic which would require the near-total alienation of retained natural rights, abstention from bourgeois commerce, and complete conformity to the general will. The Anti-Federalists, by contrast, envisioned a republic based on retained natural rights, one that would reconcile the communitarian spirit of antiquity with the commercial values and individual rights of modernity. By comparing and contrasting the most salient features of these contending visions, whose theoretical trajectories are — I argue — crucially opposed, we can glimpse the inherent conflicting requisites of republican government and therewith some of the enduring dilemmas of republican theory.     

论中美欧三边关系的发展趋势

中美欧关系是 2 1世纪国际上最重要的三边关系之一。虽然世界战略力量对比仍向有利于美国的方向倾斜 ,但中美欧三方实力关系显现多维化 ,从长远来看将趋向均衡化。随着经济全球化的发展和非传统安全问题在国际关系中影响的上升 ,中美欧结构性共同利益正在增加。中美欧关系趋于成熟 ,良性互动增加 ,但单边主义和“零和游戏”思维仍是妨碍中美欧合作的负面因素。     

Popular Culture, Power Relations and Urban Discipline: The Festival of the Holy Spirit in Nineteenth-Century Rio de Janeiro

The Festival of the Holy Spirit was considered the most important religious celebration in nineteenth‐century Rio de Janeiro. I discuss the popular practices of music, dance and theatre during the festival. By merging European waltz and the African batuque, the heterogeneous public re‐created and re‐invented a number of new genres that are at the roots of twentieth‐century Brazilian popular music. The festival of the Holy Spirit allows an examination of elite strategies and municipal policies regarding popular culture. In this respect, it is remarkable how much political use the Brazilian Empire made of the festival of the Holy Spirit and how its revellers fought for their celebration.     

工会路线与民主化后韩国的冲突型劳资关系

工会路线是推动民主化后韩国冲突型劳资关系持续发展的重要因素。民主化初期工会的政治斗争主义路线引发了劳工大攻势。战斗型经济主义从20世纪90年代中期开始成为新的主导工会路线,并在1997年经济危机后得到了强化,其聚焦于经济斗争目标,并主要依靠企业内部工会的组织力量开展斗争。战斗型经济主义的工会路线不仅直接引发了韩国劳资之间的"零和博弈",还破坏了企业内和企业间工人的团结,导致了工人内部"组织混乱的分散化"和"组织混乱的集中化",进而推动冲突型劳资关系在民主化之后的持续发展。     

The Condition of the Ottoman Mine Labour and Its Impact on the Republican Period

In the Ottoman state, mining was important for the conduct of war, mints, public works, crafts industry, and financing the centralized administration system. In the republican period, mines were also important in the state's industrialization project, and they were used to subsidize the developing industries through provision of low-cost raw materials. These policies of the Ottoman and Turkish states had serious consequences for mine labour. Analysis of the Ottoman mining industry in the classical and post-classical periods, and also during the Turkish Republican period, highlights a range of emerging patterns. These include the strict control of the production by the state, the common practice of subcontracting, the role of foreign capital in the history of mining, the village-based division of labour around the mines, the use of peasant cultivator miners, the exploitation of unfree labour, the lack of investment, and traditional labour-intensive working conditions. The concept of ‘development and persistence’ is invaluable in explaining the longevity and extent of these practices stemming from historical circumstances, and we can see the persistence of some of these practices during the Republican period, despite the changes in the political regime and economic development. Throughout, the miners have been in a vulnerable position in relation to the state, exacerbated by their ambiguous peasant-miner position as wage labourers.     

中欧对软实力概念的不同认知及对双边关系的影响

软实力概念自约瑟夫.奈提出以后,迅速进入了各国的对外政策话语体系。本文将分析中国、欧盟及其成员国对软实力及相关概念的认知,并加以比较。本文认为,中欧在软实力概念的使用中在软权力资源、软实力目标、软实力运用、软实力主体和软实力外交的地位五个方面存在着明显的认知差异,这些差异对双边关系带来了四方面的负面影响:价值观差异带来的政策分歧、软实力使用方式差异引发的政策冲突、软实力外交的地位差异产生的外交议程错位,以及软实力主体差异导致欧洲民间与中国政府之间的冲撞。从中欧关系的健康发展出发,本文提出了三个方面的尝试性建议,以缓和或消解这些差异认识对中欧关系的负面影响。     

中国与中亚地缘政治关系新析

冷战结束以来 ,中亚地区在国际政治格局中的战略地位逐渐提升 ,已成为各大国与各种政治力量相互竞争的重要舞台之一。 9·1 1事件后 ,中亚地区的形势更为复杂 ,美、俄、中三大国及其他国家、政治势力在这一地区既存在着竞争但又需要相互合作。通过回顾中国在中亚地区历史变迁中的影响 ,从地缘经济、安全、政治的角度阐述了当代中亚地区对于中国的战略意义 ,分析了中国在中亚地区所面临的挑战与机遇及其可能采取的应对措施     

中俄工业企业劳资关系比较研究:基于深度访谈

中俄两国都经历着从计划经济体制向市场经济体制转变的经济转型期,这种转型期造成两国企业在经营管理方面具有一定的共性.本文采用面对面访谈的方式,分别对中国和俄罗斯工业企业的管理者和蓝领工人进行调查,对两国工业企业劳资关系共同存在的问题提出了解决方案,对两国个别存在的问题进行了原因分析.     

非传统安全与中国—东南亚国家的安全关系——以澜沧江—湄公河次区域水资源开发问题为例

本文论述澜沧江—湄公河次区域水资源的开发既有利于中国与东南亚国家的合作安全,但又会引发利益冲突,这一问题的安全化有其必然性和必要性。安全化是各方利益相互博弈以达成妥协的过程,也是一种合作安全的社会建构过程。通过安全化,在横向关系上,澜沧江—湄公河次区域的国家彼此间展开利益的讨价还价而逐渐达成妥协与合作;在纵向关系上,社会群体和个人的权益得到国家的关注。但本文也同时指出,非传统安全问题如澜沧江—湄公河次区域的水资源开发争端最终走向去安全化也是一个必不可少的过程,它与安全化过程构成一个问题的两个方面。     

中俄睦邻友好合作条约与中俄关系

本文以中俄睦邻友好合作条约的签定为主题,探讨了三个方面的问题:条约签定的条件,条约的意义和内容分析,条约签定之后中俄关系的课题。本文认为中俄关系10年发展的积累、两国对外战略的形成、俄罗斯国内政治的稳定是促使中俄睦邻友好合作条约签定基本因素;中俄睦邻友好合作条约的意义,其一是总结过去,梳理两国关系已取得的成果并以国家间条约的形式加以巩固,其二是面向未来,为两国关系的远景奠定可靠的基础。另外,本文探讨了中俄睦邻友好合作条约签定之后两国关系面临的主要课题。     

The Veterans' Movements and the Early Republican State in Cuba

This article analyses the Cuban Association of Veterans and Patriots of 1923–1924. This was one among many of such organisations in the early republican period in Cuba. Its formation was motivated by a need to put political pressure on the incumbent administration of the nation for political, social and economic demands. Of particular interest is the insight an analysis of this movement gives us into early state formation in the early republican period, and how ties of loyalty from the wars of independence helped shape the politics and political party formation of post‐independence Cuba.