反腐倡廉制度建设与积极推进政治体制改革

反腐倡廉制度建设本身就是一种政治体制改革,是整个政治体制改革的重要组成部分,甚至是关键性组成部分,必须以更大的决心和勇气积极推进政治体制改革,为反腐倡廉制度建设创造更为广阔的空间和更加有利的条件;同时,反腐倡廉制度建设与创新又不是孤立的,必然涉及现行政治体书的许多方面,内在地要求并启动相关领域的政治体制改革。当前围绕反腐倡廉制度建设积极推进政治体制改革,其基本出发点是从“权力本位”到“权利本位”;主要着力点是从“高度集权”到“党内民主”;关键生长点是从“权力委任”到“权力民授”;根本动力点是从“顶层设计”到“民意推动”。     

以顶层制度设计约束权力是反腐治本之策

<正>制度建设带有根本性、约束性和规范性。十八大报告提出了全面推进惩治和预防腐败体系建设、严格执行党风廉政建设责任制等要求,并为反腐倡廉的制度体系建设构筑了框架。中共哈尔滨市委十三届四次全会报告提出"不断完善服务和保障中心工作的反腐倡廉法规制度的顶层设计"的要求,抓住了制度建设这个根本,体现了市委反腐倡廉的坚定决心和政治智慧,找到了反腐倡廉的有效路径和方法。     

从“权力本位”到“权利本位”——围绕反腐倡廉制度建设积极推进政治体制改革

新形势下反腐倡廉制度建设与创新,离不开积极稳妥的政治体制改革。政治体制改革,归根到底是解决权力的配置与使用问题。当前围绕反腐倡廉制度建设推进政治体制改革,需要解决的实质问题是各级领导干部手中权力的来源、运行、制约与归宿。是“权力本位”还是“权利本位”,这是关于国家权力运行的实质与要害。国家权力在少数领导干部手中“错位”与“失控”,悖离权力的本质与运行轨迹,是腐败现象滋生蔓延的制度根源。跳出“权力本位”的误区,回归“权利本位”,迫切要求将以人为本作为政治体制改革的根本指导思想,贯穿于政治体制改革全过程。     

高校反腐倡廉制度体系建设的实践与思考

制度具有根本性、全局性、稳定性和长期性的特征,有效构建高校反腐倡廉制度体系,努力形成用制度管权、按制度办事、靠制度管人的体制机制在加强高校反腐倡廉建设方面尤为重要。首先,对当前高校反腐倡廉制度缺失或不健全现象的主要表现进行阐述。其次,着重对构建高校反腐倡廉制度体系提出对策建议。     

加大政治体制改革在遏制腐败中的制度化力量——包心鉴教授访谈录

邵德进：包教授，您是我国政治学界著名专家，长期从事政治改革与政治发展研究，著述丰厚，影响深广。近年来，您又重点围绕反腐倡廉制度建设与积极推进政治体制改革问题进行深入研究，发表了不少有分量的文章，尤其是就“制度反腐”提出不少新观点。请就当前我国反腐倡廉现状与制度化选择谈谈您的看法。     

十八大以来对反腐倡廉“中国方案”的探索与实践

中国共产党坚持以马克思主义廉洁政治理论为指导思想,不断深化反腐倡廉建设理论与实践,逐渐走出了一条具有中国特色社会主义的反腐倡廉建设道路。十八届五中全会确立了"创新、协调、绿色、开放、共享"五大发展理念,明确了全面从严治党、深入推进中国特色社会主义反腐倡廉建设所秉承的基本理念。中国共产党探索作风建设长效机制、健全反腐倡廉法规制度体系以及将纪律建设作为治本之策,成功的实践为世界提供了反腐倡廉建设的"中国方案"。     

铁路公安机关深化反腐倡廉工作研探

铁路公安机关的党风廉政建设和队伍纪律作风建设,是党和国家反腐倡廉、建设廉洁政治的重要组成部分.要统一思想、深化认识,以高度的政治自觉和饱满的政治热情抓好反腐倡廉工作；要健全制度、完善机制,用严密的科学体系和有力的制度保障推进反腐倡廉工作；要抓住源头、突出重点,把解决薄弱环节和突出问题作为主要任务深化反腐倡廉工作；要创新思路、改进方法,在探索建立廉政风险防控机制中提升反腐倡廉工作.     

论廉洁政治的制度基础

<正>反腐倡廉,建设廉洁政治成为各国政府和政党面临的共同难题,也是当前我国政治建设的重点和努力方向。"干部清正、政府清廉、政治清明"三者构成了廉洁政治自身完整的内在逻辑,反腐败必须致力于实现"干部清正"、"政府清廉"、"政治清明"。"把权力关进制度的笼子"是反腐败的核心和根本之策,当前必须进一步推进涵盖"教育、预防、监督、惩处"各环节的反腐败制度体系建设。在廉政教育环节,分别针对干部、政府、政治领域加强思想培养;在廉政预防环节,着重制定针     

山西省委省政府颁布《关于加快推进反腐倡廉制度建设的意见》

2010年6月3日。山西省委、省政府颁布《关于加快推进反腐倡廉制度建设的意见》，要求各地各部门充分认识加快推进反腐倡廉制度建设的重要性和紧迫性，加强组织领导，切实提高制度执行力，确保反腐倡廉制度建设取得实效。要增强责任感和使命感，构建和完善具有山西特色的反腐倡廉制度体系，     

党的十八大后反腐倡廉建设新思考

腐败是人类公平与正义的公敌,也是社会政治生活中长久不衰的话题,党的十八大后的当今中国,仍然存在腐败滋生的土壤,反腐倡廉的形势严峻、任务艰巨。反腐倡廉工作的建议如下:第一,用发展的马克思主义指导反腐倡廉工作。第二,推进党的纯洁性建设。第三,推进党内民主,强化民主监督。第四,推进反腐倡廉的制度建设,实现权力的良序运行。第五,加强反腐倡廉建设的国际合作,杜绝"裸官"现象。     

腐败的社会心理探源与儒家廉政思想的现代意义

腐败是一种在人类社会的各个历史时期和各类文化群体中普遍存在的社会现象，但理论界对腐败的界定和成因并未达成共识。从社会心理学的角度来看，腐败是理性的个人经过高度精密的利益计算和反复权衡之后的结果，是经济人的原则入侵政治和社会领域的表现。腐败并非仅仅存在于公共的政治领域，任何职业和个人都存在腐败的可能。从源头治理腐败，需要根除滋生腐败的社会文化土壤，培育完善的道德和法律体系，增进个人的道德情操。我国传统儒家文化中含有的大量廉洁奉公思想可以为现代社会的反腐倡廉事业提供强大的思想源泉。     

“初心使命”失守衍生的贪腐后果与成因——基于教育系统15个违纪违法案件的考察

初心使命作为党的思想建设范畴,具有重要的廉政价值,可以为构建廉政体系中的不想腐环节提供思想资源和技术支持。初心使命在实践运作中体现为岗位职责,初心使命失守是指党员干部在特定岗位上的职责意识淡化、弱化、异化。对教育系统15个违纪违法案例进行分析,发现“利益诱惑情境—初心使命失守—贪腐行为”是初心使命失守衍生的贪腐行为的内在逻辑链条,凸显了初心使命的廉政价值及作用机制。因此应根据利益诱惑情境的作用机制,构建激发初心使命特点优势与控制利益诱惑情境的双重防腐模式。从初心使命视角研究腐败行为的发生机理,弥补了当前初心使命与廉政关系研究的不足。     

提升纪检监察干部“五种意识”之文化自觉

中国共产党自诞生以来就致力于做到执政文化自觉。反腐倡廉是一项关系我党生死存亡的极其重要而且长远的艰巨任务。增强反腐倡廉能力和提高反腐倡廉的科学性,是新形势下全党的重大政治责任和任务。作为我党反腐倡廉忠诚卫士的纪检监察干部需要有非常过硬的拒腐防变的本领。对纪检监察干部的严格要求,是我党反腐倡廉的一个重要组成部分,更是我党保持永久先进性和纯洁性的重要的法宝之一。     

Corruption and Anti-Money-Laundering Systems: Putting a Luxury Good to Work

Systems of laws, regulations, and institutions developed to counter money laundering provide powerful tools for fighting corruption. Currently, however, the potential benefits anti‐money‐laundering (AML) systems can provide in fighting corruption go largely unrealized, especially in developing countries. This mismatch poses a puzzle: Why are developing countries failing to best capitalize on their expensive AML systems by using them to fight corruption? The article is built on three core claims. The first claim is that it is logical to use AML systems for anti‐corruption purposes because of a pronounced overlap in the standards required for each and the rising costs of the former. The second section demonstrates specifically how AML systems could significantly augment anti‐corruption efforts, focusing on the importance of financial intelligence, asset confiscation, and international cooperation. Finally, although powerful outsiders have successfully diffused AML systems among developing countries, a lack of “ownership” in the latter explains why these systems are often established only as tokens to enhance international legitimacy and reputations.     

Corruption,Trust and their Public Sector Consequences: Introduction to the Special Edition

Abstract

Corruption and trust are two important determinants of the quality of public sectors. Empirical studies in different literatures suggest that corruption and trust have effects on factors such as economic growth, the quality of democratic institutions, life quality, the size and effectiveness of the public sector and much more. The purpose of this special issue – one that goes to the heart of the comparative policy ethos which is central to the journal's mission – is to draw on a number of country examples to shed light on the state of the literature on the connection between corruption and trust. The aim is to show that these two concepts are highly relevant to each other, and that their interconnections are important to understand the public sector consequences of corruption and trust. By focusing on these concepts, we hope that this special issue can pave the road for further comparative research.     

《廉政准则》中的作风建设问题

加强领导干部的作风建设是新形势下反腐倡廉工作的一项重大战略任务，也是爱护干部、保护干部的重要措施。加强领导干部的作风建设的目的在于抓好反腐倡廉工作中的苗头性、倾向性问题，使党和人民的事业少受损失。同时，要建立健全惩治和预防腐败的体系，并把这个体系的建立作为反腐倡廉工作的重点，治理腐败要各种方法综合运用，多措并举。党员领导千部一定要注重良好作风的养成，注重道德的表现和树立公众形象，要将领导干部的作风表现规范化、纪律化。     

建设领域贪污腐败犯罪防治机制研究

建设领域的贪污腐败现象特别突出,有经济、机制和思想观念等多方面的原因。我国存在惩治贪污腐败不力的现状,应当通过完善我国相关立法、改革有关制度、加强监督预防、强化违法惩治等手段,健全我国建设领域的贪污腐败防治机制。     

“Grabbing Hand” or “Helping Hand”?: Corruption and the Economic Role of the State

This article seeks to disentangle which features of government intervention are linked to corruption and which are not, by distinguishing between the government roles of regulator, entrepreneur, and consumer. It finds that the degree of regulation of private business activity is the strongest predictor of corruption, and that high levels of public spending are related to low levels of corruption. There is no evidence of direct government involvement in production having any bearing on corruption. It is concluded that advanced welfare capitalist systems, which leave business relatively free from interference while intervening strongly in the distribution of wealth and the provision of key services, combine the most “virtuous” features of “big” and “small” government. This suggests that anti‐corruption campaigners should be relaxed about state intervention in the economy in general, but should specifically target corruption‐inducing regulatory systems.     

Ideology,party systems and corruption voting in European democracies

What is the impact of corruption on citizens' voting behavior? There is a growing literature on an increasingly ubiquitous puzzle in many democratic countries: that corrupt officials continue to be re-elected by voters. In this study we address this issue with a novel theory and newly collected original survey data for 24 European countries. The crux of the argument is that voters' ideology is a salient factor in explaining why citizens would continue voting for their preferred party despite the fact that it has been involved in a corruption scandal. Developing a theory of supply (number of effective parties) and demand (voters must have acceptable ideological alternatives to their preferred party), we posit that there is a U-shaped relationship between the likelihood of corruption voting and where voters place themselves on the left/right spectrum. The further to the fringes, the more likely the voters are to neglect corruption charges and continue to support their party. However, as the number of viable party alternatives increases, the effect of ideology is expected to play a smaller role. In systems with a large number of effective parties, the curve is expected to be flat, as the likelihood that the fringe voters also have a clean and reasonably ideologically close alternative to switch to. The hypothesis implies a cross level interaction for which we find strong and robust empirical evidence using hierarchical modeling. In addition, we provide empirical insights about how individual level ideology and country level party systems – among other factors – impact a voter's decision to switch parties or stay home in the face of their party being involved in a corruption scandal.     

Corruption and women in cabinets: Informal barriers to recruitment in the executive

Research on corruption and women in politics has mainly focused on legislatures, generally finding that corruption decreases the election of women. This article turns the spotlight to the executive branch—an arena where selection is less transparent than recruitment to legislative seats—and examines if corruption decrease the share of ministers who are women. Drawing on feminist institutionalist theories, we posit that in an environment of high political corruption, (male) elites involved in cabinet formation will tend to appoint ministers whom they can trust with secretive tasks. In systems with corrupt networks, relative newcomers, such as women, should face obstacles to career advancement. The article tests this reasoning empirically on a global sample of countries across time. Using a new indicator measuring corruption in executive bodies, we find support for our argument; corruption tends to hinder women's presence in cabinets, albeit only in democracies and not autocracies.