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Katharina Rietig 《International Environmental Agreements: Politics, Law and Economics》2014,14(4):371-389
Compared to the disappointment of the 2009 climate summit in Copenhagen, the results of the recent Conferences of the Parties can be regarded as positive progress. This was made possible due to lesson drawing and learning among states. Recent evidence from the UNFCCC negotiations suggests that countries began to reflect on the “Copenhagen experience.” They are setting up domestic climate legislation in the form of low carbon development plans and share their knowledge and experiences in the international climate change negotiations. Country representatives engage in workshops and roundtables to showcase their mitigation plans and low carbon development initiatives, thereby raising ambitions and creating group pressure on other countries. This article examines how the diffusion of policies across countries is motivated and facilitated by knowledge transfer and learning within multilevel-reinforcing governance dynamics between the domestic level and international negotiations. It analyzes how changes in the negotiation setting from confrontational formal negotiations to a more open forum and bottom-up pledge-and-review process, in combination with a positively framed win–win low carbon economic development narrative resulted in the diffusion of climate policies across developed and developing countries. Communicating these climate initiatives on the national level has shifted the debate. Countries emphasize less the win–lose perspective of economic costs and sacrifice. Thus, they focus less on the question of who should reduce emissions’, but identify co-benefits instead. The institutionalized knowledge sharing within the UNFCCC is also creating positive competitive dynamics among countries to increase their ambition and to take on a leadership role. This shift in the negotiations carries potential for a more ambitious aggregate negotiation outcome and opens up a window of opportunity. 相似文献
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Patrick Parnaby 《Crime, Law and Social Change》2007,48(3-5):73-85
Borrowing from Foucault (Governmentality. In G. Burchell, C. Gordon, & P. Miller (Eds.), Governmentality: The Foucault effect: Studies in governmentality (pp. 87–104). Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991) and Foucault and Gordon (Power-knowledge: Selected interviews and other writings, 1972–1977. Hassocks: Harvester Press, 1980) and the work of governmentality scholars in general, this paper examines Crime Prevention Through Environmental Design (CPTED) as a strategic form of governance. Using qualitative data gathered from semi-structured interviews with CPTED practitioners and supporters, I argue that the putative availability of expendable capital mediates, although does not necessarily negate, a practitioner’s ability to secure the conduct of conduct through the sharing of CPTED expertise. The importance of shifting power dynamics are examined before evaluating the data vis-à-vis contemporary scholarship in the areas of governmentality and crime and criminal justice research. 相似文献
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G. Kristin Rosendal 《International Environmental Agreements: Politics, Law and Economics》2007,7(4):439-455
This is a study of Norway’s ambitions for influencing UN environmental policies and then on the scope for impact. On the whole,
it is clear that Norway has not been particularly successful in its general efforts at strengthening UNEP. These proposals
have failed, due mainly to opposition from key states. Norway is after all a minor player in global governance issues, even
in those pertaining to the environment. Norway has been more successful in efforts that indirectly strengthen UNEP, by supporting
UNEP in initiating new MEAs. We found three main factors that help to explain why Norway has a relatively high level of influence
at the international environmental arena compared to its size. First, there is a relatively straightforward domestic decision-making
process with little conflict. Second, Norwegian officials and NGOs possess considerable expertise in these issues, adding
to the intellectual leadership role of Norway in pushing for new principles and international legislation through UNEP. Third,
Norway is sometimes able to join forces in environmental alliances with other like-minded countries. This would seem to carry
the widest scope for increasing impact.
相似文献
G. Kristin RosendalEmail: |
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Coolsaet Brendan Dawson Neil Rabitz Florian Lovera Simone 《International Environmental Agreements: Politics, Law and Economics》2020,20(2):359-375
International Environmental Agreements: Politics, Law and Economics - Access and allocation is one of the five analytical themes of the science plan of the Earth System Governance (ESG) project.... 相似文献
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Sciarelli Mauro Landi Giovanni Catello Turriziani Lorenzo Tani Mario 《The Journal of Technology Transfer》2021,46(4):1083-1107
The Journal of Technology Transfer - Academic research is generally seen as one of the most important goals of a university, but universities are being called upon simultaneously to assist in... 相似文献
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Trevor Hoppe 《Law & social inquiry》2016,41(3):573-594
At precisely the same time that gay and lesbian activists were securing marriage rights for same‐sex couples nationwide, courts and “tough on crime” state legislatures were devising new ways to regulate sex. Despite recent estimates that over 750,000 Americans are registered sex offenders, few sexuality scholars have examined the growth of punitive policies regulating sex offenders. In this article, I draw on a unique set of data on the population of sex offenders in the United States to analyze: (1) whether recent trends in sex offender registration mirror those of corrections more generally, and (2) whether these policies disproportionally impact racial minorities. Findings reveal that sex offender registries grew dramatically between 2005 and 2013; that this growth is out of step with concurrent trends in corrections; and that black communities are disproportionately impacted. I conclude by considering whether these data reveal a new mode of “governing through crime” specifically targeting sex.
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《Global Crime》2013,14(2):115-133
ABSTRACTThe paper addresses the nature of gang governance. It questions the notion that gangs regulate social and economic transactions and create stable orders in certain territories. It shows that, while presenting themselves as upholders of the ‘law’ in their territory, the gangs also create a climate of uncertainty and fear. The gangs manipulate their own unwritten rules and set up traps for residents and businessmen. These traps are designed to deprive non-gang civilians of presumed rights and identities and extort their money. The paper uses Schmitt’s notion of ‘state of exception’ and Agamben’s idea of ‘bare life’ to explain how gangs function. 相似文献
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Steinar Andresen 《International Environmental Agreements: Politics, Law and Economics》2007,7(4):457-468
In the introductory article it was concluded that the effectiveness of the UN environmental institutions studied was quite
low. Key actors, especially the US and the EU, play a considerable role in explaining the course of development in these institutions.
However, this does not mean that these processes are mainly state-driven as a number of other factors matter. The potential
for reform and increased effectiveness is limited as the main actors, the US the EU and G-77/China have very different interests
and perceptions as to the future directions of these institutions.
相似文献
Steinar AndresenEmail: |
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Elsässer Joshua Philipp Hickmann Thomas Jinnah Sikina Oberthür Sebastian Van de Graaf Thijs 《International Environmental Agreements: Politics, Law and Economics》2022,22(2):373-391
International Environmental Agreements: Politics, Law and Economics - Over the past decades, the growing proliferation of international institutions governing the global environment has impelled... 相似文献
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Joyeeta Gupta Louis Lebel 《International Environmental Agreements: Politics, Law and Economics》2010,10(4):377-395
A significant percentage of the global population does not yet have access to safe drinking water, sufficient food or energy
to live in dignity. There is a continuous struggle to allocate the earth’s resources among users and uses. This article argues
that distributional problems have two faces: access to basic resources or ecospace; and, the allocation of environmental resources,
risks, burdens, and responsibilities for causing problems. Furthermore, addressing problems of access and allocation often
requires access to social processes (science, movements and law). Analysts, however, have tended to take a narrow, disciplinary
approach although an integrated conceptual approach may yield better answers. This article proposes a multi-disciplinary perspective
to the problem of access and allocation and illustrates its application to water management and climate change. 相似文献
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《Justice Quarterly》2012,29(1):87-114
The shootings at Columbine and Jonesboro, along with multiple shootings at five other schools, captured the nation's attention and received widespread media coverage. Utilizing a feminist perspective that addresses masculinity, we explore research and major newspaper coverage of infamous school violence to determine how extensively gender is considered as a contributing factor. Results indicate that data sources on violent deaths at school miss the gendered nature of the violence. Similarly, media coverage of the seven cases under study discount the role of masculinities, bullying, and male violence against girls and women, and few of the policy recommendations address these concerns. The relative absence of attention to the gendered nature of school violence encourages incomplete explanations and ineffective policies. 相似文献
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This paper provides a detailed analysis of Uzbekistan’s performance in liberalising its financial system. Two major areas
are considered in the paper. First, we review financial development reform in Uzbekistan from independence until 2006, including
the banking sector, non-bank financial institutions and securities markets. Second, it examines the policy achievements and
failures of the Uzbek path and the sequence of reforms in each of these areas. Policy recommendations are then offered to
remedy the existing problems that we identify. This paper is first to make a detailed analysis of policy successes and failures
in Uzbekistan financial reform. 相似文献
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《Global Crime》2013,14(3-4):250-270
ABSTRACTThe FARC, Colombia’s oldest and biggest guerrilla organisation, has long been constructed as the country’s public enemy number one, an enemy that is increasingly portrayed as an outright criminal actor who abandoned all political ambitions. This image of the FARC as a criminal threat to the Colombian state and society is central to a broader turn towards criminalisation in Colombian politics. Through the lens of a critical governance perspective and the notion of the state’s discursive selectivity this article analyses turning points during which the construction of Colombian society’s criminal enemies became a driving force in the country’s security governance. Which social forces support the implementation of criminalising forms of security governance and how? What are the social and political consequences of the latter? In answering these questions, the article argues that the war on (guerrilla) crime assumes a ‘productive’ role for Colombia’s formal democracy. 相似文献
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David M. Bierie 《American Journal of Criminal Justice》2012,37(2):209-228
Criminal justice literature often suggests female social control agents (e.g., police, prison staff, and others) use force
less often than male colleagues facing similar situations. Most explain this with reference to personal or social factors
which are gendered, arguing role-pressures or differences in skill sets between men and women lead to different reactions
by agents. However, part of the story may also be about assessment rather than reaction—men and women may diverge in how they
recognize and interpret cues in some (particularly minor) violence situations. Testing this, survey data was drawn from a
random sample of 2,077 staff working in all 112 Federal Prisons operating in 2005. By estimating fixed effects models (grouped
on prison), as well as controlling for correlates of exposure within a given prison, male and female staff were compared with
respect to their assessment of statistically similar violence events. The data showed that women assessed fewer minor assault
events to have occurred than their male colleagues, yet the same number of serious violence events. This supports the argument
that perceptions may play an important role in explaining gender differences in the use of discretion. 相似文献
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Cristina Leston-Bandeira 《The Journal of Legislative Studies》2017,23(4):508-528
Recent years have seen increasing calls to integrate the public's voice into the parliamentary process. This article examines the impact of public reading stage (PRS) on the UK Parliament's scrutiny of a bill. A new stage of the legislative process piloted by the House of Commons in February 2013, PRS invited the public to comment on a bill undergoing parliamentary scrutiny (the Children and Families Bill). The PRS was designed to encourage members of the public to participate in the scrutiny of legislation through a specially designed forum on parliament's website. Over 1000 comments were submitted. Drawing on a content analysis of the comments given by the public to the bill, complemented by interviews with members of parliament, key officials and PRS participants, it was found that although the public reading stage had an impressive response, it failed to make much of a tangible impact on the parliamentary scrutiny of the bill. This was largely due to the choice of bill being used for the pilot and its lack of appropriate integration into the formal legislative process. 相似文献