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1.
王安石变法理论可以从内容形式两种角度去考察,其中从形式角度来考察的变法理论可以称之为改革理论。本文分别从理论基础、认识论、法治思想、人才思想以及改革策略等方面概括王安石的改革理论,从而构成一个比较完整的体系。  相似文献   

2.
思维方式是思维生体运用形象和概念来反映、认识、判断和处理客观对象的思维形式和技巧。辩证思维方式对思维活动的结果,对在内容上准确把握客观存在有巨大的能动作用。建设有中国特色社会主义理论就是邓小平运用辩证思维方式的直接成果,这一理论赋予马克思主义符合时代发展的新的内涵。深入研究这一理论,对于我们克服教条主义和形而上学的思维方式、正确地理解建设有中国特色社会主义理论的真谛,从而正确地指导我们的社会主义现代化建设,具有重要的现实意义。一、解放思想与实事求是的辩证思维实事求是是无产阶级世界观的基础,是毛泽…  相似文献   

3.
传统政治文化中的一个特征是托古改制思维反复运用.中国历史上从先泰时期的孔孟、韩非到汉代的王莽、宋代的王安石,直到近代的康有为,都难免托古改制思维的束缚.托古改制思维反映了改革在内容与形式上的矛盾,同时反映了人类思维的守旧性与改革所需的思维的创造性之间的矛盾.  相似文献   

4.
当今世界步入和平与发展的新时代。世界性改革大潮来势迅猛,我们中华民族已经历了十年的伟大改革,这是一件前无古人的崭新事业,这一全新的改革事业牵动着亿万人的心弦,极大地触动着人们的思维观念、思维方式和思维方法的变革。因此,社会改革与思维变革已成为历史的必然。  相似文献   

5.
张银平 《侨园》2014,(12):42-43
秦朝的商鞅、北宋的王安石、明朝的张居正这三个人,也是封建社会初、中、后期著名的三大改革家。而仅有王安石的变法最具有影响却最终失败了。王安石变法是中国历史上的一个重大历史事件。自南宋初重修《神宗实录》确定"是元祜而非熙丰","唯是直书安石之罪"的编撰宗旨,从而彻底否定王安石变法至今,历史已走过近900年。伴随着历史的脚步,对王安石及其变法的褒贬议论始终不一。  相似文献   

6.
王安石(公元1021—1086年),字介甫,北宋抚州临州(今江西杭州)人。他不仅在思想上及文学艺术上饮誉古今,而且以政治、经济上的改革理论和实践给后人留下了宝贵的经验。列宁称他为“中国十一世纪时的改革家”(《列宁全集》第10卷,第152页)。 王安石自幼跟随父亲到过许多州县,对各地风俗民情及经济发展状况都有较深刻的  相似文献   

7.
当代的中国正在经历着一场伟大的变革。这是一场深刻的社会革命,它不仅促使社会生产力和生产方式发生巨变,而且也相应地改变着人们的思想观念和思维方式。因此,作为现代领导者,就必须在这一伟大改革的洪流中,努力转变传统的旧观念和定势化的思维方式,实现领导观念和领导思维方式的现代化,以适应建设具有中国特色的现代化社会主义强国的需要。  相似文献   

8.
我们在深入学习邓小平理论的过程中不难发现,贯穿于邓小平理论中有一条逻辑思维主线,即辩证唯物主义。邓小平深悟马克思主义的辩证唯物主义思维方式,并把这一思维方式创造性地运用于他的讲话和理论之中,使他的理论具有鲜明的辩证逻辑思维品格,这也是邓小平文风的一大...  相似文献   

9.
法治思维优于人治思维是中国共产党执政思维转型的理论根据。传统的人治思维因思维定式的惯性作用仍在排斥和消解法治思维是中国共产党执政思维转型的现实原因。党的十八大关于领导干部法治思维能力提升的主张,指出了党的执政思维转型中的关键群体。人治思维滋生人治方式,法治思维对应法治方式,实现中国共产党执政思维的现代转型,促成法治思维的形成,还需要党积极地推动具体执政方式改革,变人治方式为法治方式,并不断创新法治方式。  相似文献   

10.
我们国家开始了社会主义市场经济的全面实践,市场经济的主体是企业,这一主体的"头脑"是企业家,而思维方式则是"头脑"的后天素质之一.中国当代企业家应该是社会主义市场经济改革的先锋,对他们思维方式的探讨应成为现实实践的需要. (一) 探讨思维方式的意义,在于它是反映一个时代人们思维活动和实践活动水准高低的重要标志.思维方式可以比喻为:不是财富本身,而  相似文献   

11.
This article examines the history of political science in relation to the history of the prison. It considers how theories of the state in political science have assumed that proper states should punish with prisons, and traces these ideas to the work of Francis Lieber, the first academic political scientist in the USA. Because his ideas about prison reform were central to his conceptualization of the discipline as a science of punishment, his theory of the state is an understudied part of the history of mass incarceration. Lieber argued that the state had a moral duty to punish its citizens with the prison, and an obligation to manage the risks of democracy through the prison's principles of scientific certainty, less eligibility, and disciplinary solitude. By examining the life and work of Francis Lieber, this article offers new ways of thinking about political science's past, and its status as part of the history of the American prison.  相似文献   

12.
目前,政府改革已成为我国经济改革和社会改革的关键,迫切需要我们深刻把握政府改革的规律.然而在现实中,政府改革面临着严重的实施困难,政府职能转变与政府机构改革双重不到位.从"国家悖论"与"政府失灵"理论出发,一般认为,政府改革面临的困境往往是由于政府制度变迁中制度供给主体缺失造成的,在理论上形成了难以深入分析的死结,也无助于政府改革的推进.认为,政府的角色冲突不是政府改革困境的根源和本质,而只是在考虑整体制度间均衡时的结果,忽略了政府的结构性特征;借鉴了公共管理理论中的政治家-官僚分析范式,以结构性分析的思路为主线,拓展了政府改革的两方博弈框架.从而认为政府改革困境的本质是政治家与官僚间在政府改革中的目标冲突与信息不对称;并分析了阻碍政府改革顺利推进的路径依赖效应与改革激励不足的问题.指出,要打破政府改革面临的困境,可以从改革的社会沟通与激励,财政约束,官僚机构的偏好与理念,以及全面长效监督等方面着手.  相似文献   

13.
The events of 9/11 have influenced policy making in public administration. The Homeland Security Act of 2002, which created the Department of Homeland Security, contained language that empowered the secretary of homeland security and the director of the Office of Personnel Management to establish a personnel management system outside the normal provisions of the federal civil service. Why did civil service reform succeed as part of this legislation when previous attempts at large‐scale reform had failed? A case analysis of the enactment of civil service reform in the Homeland Security Act points to theories of policy emergence and certain models of presidential and congressional policy making. In this case, civil service reform became associated with national security instead of management reform. An assessment of the rhetorical arguments used to frame this policy image offers a powerful explanation for the adoption of the personnel management reforms in the Homeland Security Act. This case has implications for understanding how policy makers might approach future management reform agendas.  相似文献   

14.
Although comprehensive reform programs (CRPs) have been influenced by theories of government failure, they pose some puzzles for these theorists. My purpose is to address puzzles that relate to observed characteristics of the timing, radicalism, implementation, rhetoric and democratic consequences of reforms. The long period of paradigm stability which typically precede them is explained in terms of the institutional and political risks associated with radical policy reform while the reforms themselves are explained in terms of factors that generated opportunities for new sources of policy leadership. This leadership was collectively supplied by a network that sought to break the hold of a fragmented structure of policy communities over the policy process.  相似文献   

15.
Reinventing the Proverbs of Government   总被引:4,自引:0,他引:4  
The field of public administration has a long history of popular reform movements. Many of these reforms have failed to deliver the improvements promised. The current "reinventing government" reforms, which follow largely from the writings of David Osborne and his coauthors, claim to establish a new governmental paradigm based on liberating employees and citizens to do their best and using new management methods to get the most out of what government does. However, a careful analysis of Osborne's chief works, Reinventing Government and Banishing Bureaucracy, reveals that their advice cannot be applied because it is inconsistent. No new paradigm is established, and, more importantly, because of the ahistorical nature of these texts, Osborne proposes discredited ideas for administrative reform and misleads the reader concerning the significance of his observations.  相似文献   

16.
Prior research has leavened substantially our understanding of how, why, and with what consequences public organizations respond to pressures for administrative reforms. Left underdeveloped theoretically, however, is the hypothesis that agency actors may also assess the ability of administrative reforms both to advance their policy goals and to become "weapons" in battles within agencies for advancing them. To illustrate this possibility, this article analyzes how the Clinton administration's National Performance Review and related Defense Reform Initiative interacted with its efforts to "green" the U.S. military in the post–Cold War era. Analysis of this clash between defense and environmental values indicates that (1) agency actors did evaluate the potential impacts of administrative reforms on their policy goals before supporting or opposing them; (2) they tried to hijack those reforms as weapons for advancing their policy goals in intraorganizational battles; and (3) the "weaponizing" of these reforms produced policy complications and consequences that proponents neither anticipated nor welcomed. Thus, reform in the administrative domain created unanticipated consequences by spilling over into the policy domain and being hijacked, weaponized, or otherwise miscarried or used opportunistically in intraorganizational policy battles. The study concludes by arguing that these dynamics merit more attention than they have received from either administrative reform proponents or researchers seeking to develop theories of administrative reform.  相似文献   

17.
西方“整体政府”改革:理论、实践及启示   总被引:6,自引:0,他引:6  
20世纪90年代中后期,西方各国进行了以"整体政府"为内容的第二轮政府改革运动。在理论上,西方"整体政府"改革既是对新公共管理反思与批判的结果,又是一定意识形态作用的产物,还与各种协作理论密切相关;"整体政府"已成为当代西方各国政府改革的新趋向,并形成了一种区别于传统官僚制和新公共管理模式的新型政府改革模式,即"整体政府"模式。该模式具有深刻的内涵、鲜明的特征和独特的治理结构。在实践上,"整体政府"改革具有丰富的内容,既有改革模式上的共性,又有具体操作中的国别特色,并形成了一种最佳实践模式。这一最佳实践模式具有独特的文化与哲学、新的工作方式、新的责任和激励机制,以及制定政策、设计方案和提供服务的新方式。西方"整体政府"改革对我国当前行政管理体制改革的进路具有三点启示:一是建立"内联"治理结构;二是发展"外协"合作关系;三是转变政府职能,建设和谐行政文化。  相似文献   

18.
This article examines the nature of political and institutional reform initiatives that have been carried out under former president Kim Young Sam. How effective have they been in consolidating democracy in Korea? Specifically, we examine why the Kim Young Sam government's political reform campaigns have been limited, and explore the impact of this limitation on his institutional reform initiatives and the process of consolidation of democracy in Korea. We argue that Kim Young Sam's initial political reform campaigns have contributed to creating a favorable environment for his institutional reform efforts. However, limitations of these initial political reform campaigns such as political funding and bribery scandals have hampered institutional reforms. We also argue that these difficulties were intensified by public dissatisfaction with Korea's poor economic performance and International Monetary Fund (IMF) financial assistance. As a result, Kim Young Sam's moral legitimacy as a civilian and reform-oriented leader toward the public has totally evaporated. Therefore, experiences under the Kim Young Sam administration are just trials and errors of democratization that show another failure in presidential leadership in Korea. These experiences will negatively affect the consolidation process of democracy in Korea by increasing the public's distrust of government as a whole. As a result, democratic consolidation in Korea is being delayed.  相似文献   

19.
This article examines whether economic reforms in transition countries reduce the incidence of informal payments to government officials. Using the 2009 EBRD-World Bank Business Environment and Enterprise Performance Survey (BEEPS) data, empirical models of the likelihood and frequency that firms are asked to make informal payments are estimated. Eight measures of economic reform developed by the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development (EBRD) are also included in the analysis, both individually and as a combined index of overall reform, to test whether reforms reduce informal payments. Firm, country, and economic reform factors are all found to have an impact. In particular, the overall reform index and all but one of the eight EBRD reform indices are found to significantly reduce informal payments. The marginal effect of a one-standard-deviation increase in the overall reform index is to reduce the probability of a firm reporting that it gives a gift by 2.5% and reduce the probability that the firm reports that gift giving is a usual practice in its industry by 4%. Enterprise reforms, markets and trade reforms, financial sector reforms, and infrastructure reforms all have the effect of reducing the likelihood and frequency of informal payments.  相似文献   

20.
Most political science accounts assume that governments in Western democracies avoid unpopular reforms to protect their re‐election chances. Nevertheless, governments sometimes embark on electorally risky reforms – even in times when they have no slack in the polls. In this article, it is argued that pursuing unpopular reforms can be a perfectly rational strategy for vote‐seeking governments. Based on a simple game theoretical model that compares strategic framing with the classic blame avoidance strategy, it is demonstrated that unpopular policy reforms allow governments to pursue gains of both policy and votes by opting for a highly visible strategy of reframing the substantive reform issue in question. This general argument is illustrated with the substantial 2011 retrenchment of Danish early retirement benefits. This particular welfare state programme was highly popular. Nevertheless, the incumbent Liberal prime minister proposed to abolish it only a few months prior to a national election while his government was trailing significantly in the polls.  相似文献   

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