知南非世界杯赛程

2010年6月的南非注定是全球瞩目的焦点。创办于1930年的世界杯足球赛第一次踏上非洲大陆．在这个夏天,热情如火的非洲大陆和魅力四射的足球运动激情碰撞。必将给中国球迷留下一个个难忘的瞬间。现在,就让我们拿起赛程表。为自己钟爱球队加油吧!     

考验南非世界杯的三大重要标尺

这是一场盛会,关于竞技的;这也是一场博弈,关乎整个非洲大陆的形象。当各路豪门陆续抵达后,对于南非的考验才刚刚开始。反恐、反赌和赚钱这三项工作,已成为考验南非世界杯能否成功举办的重要标尺。     

黄健翔：不在世界杯前线的“失落”

2010年的世界杯是近十年来黄健翔唯一一次不用上前线的世界杯。他失落吗？他不愿意正面回答,只是说：“你们说我失落就失落吧。”     

“超级球迷”冠军出炉 东风日产“SUV双杰”助阵南非行

<正>东风日产奇骏逍客‘超级球迷'竞选活动全国总决赛在北京激情上演。从32位球迷中层层选拔出来的8位选手历经近乎残酷的激战后,最终,男选手马骧和女选手谢雅而凭借综合全面的能力脱颖而出,荣登冠军宝座,成为南非世界杯超级球迷。据悉,这两位超级球迷在南非赛场报道世界杯期间将获得10万月薪,可谓史上最牛兼职记者。     

“金砖南非年”视角下的金砖机制建设评析

在当今世界变乱交织之际,金砖峰会在南非盛大召开,金砖机制实现历史性扩员。不断壮大的金砖队伍成为塑造国际格局的重要力量,必将深刻改变世界发展进程。“金砖南非年”非洲色彩浓厚,非洲利益和非洲议程在金砖机制中的位置更加凸显。金砖机制建设的横向拓展与纵向深化,不仅为世界和平与发展带来新机遇,而且为后疫情时代构建公平公正、有效均衡的全球治理新架构注入更多“金砖精神”和“金砖能量”。新形势下,金砖国家迫切需要在国际和地区热点问题解决、国际金融治理、文明交流互鉴、国际传播能力建设等领域深化交流合作。     

金砖国家与非洲的经贸合作

2013年3月26—27日,第五次金厶砖国家领导人会议在南非德班举行。此次会议重点探讨了金砖国家与非洲国家的全方位合作事宜,以南非为中心的非洲国家对此充满期待。目前,金砖和非洲国家共占全球人口的57％、全球产出的21．7％以及世界贸易总额的17．1％。未来两个新兴群体若能开展全方位更紧密合作,     

“真正的祖鲁男孩”—南非新总统雅可布·祖马

在南非，刚刚当选新总统的雅各布·祖马（Jacob G.Zuma）早就是一名争议人物。广大贫穷黑人和党内左派人士喜欢他饱满的光头和富有感染力的笑声，亲切地称他为“我们的祖鲁男孩”，为其自创自唱的歌曲“请把我的机关枪拿来”感到热血沸腾，为他遭受腐败案、强奸案审判愤愤不平。而大多数白人和一些党内精英则不太喜欢他，     

国际法院科索沃案例的进程和意义

2010年7月22日,国际法院院长小和田恒在海牙和平宫宣布了关于科索沃问题的咨询意见。法院以10票支持、4票反对、1票缺席的表决结果,认为：“通过（独立）宣言没有违反任何现行的国际法准则。”这是一个出人意料的结论,将对科索沃独立进程和欧洲政治格局产生深远的影响。从科索沃宣布独立,到联合国大会辩论,再到国际法院的法律程序,科索沃案例的法律进程长达两年多。     

从“永远的潜在大国”到“崛起的金砖”——试论巴西发展模式的转变

1941年,奥地利作家斯蒂芬·茨威格（Stefan Zweig）出版了《巴西：未来之国（Brasil,Paisdo Futuro）》一书。茨威格在该书中对巴西历史、经济、文化、城市生活进行了多视角观察,该书是首部将巴西冠以“未来之国”、“潜在大国”等头衔的国外著作,巴西由此从拉美大陆一隅走向世界。进入新千年后,巴西迎来了有史以来最佳的一个经济增长周期。良好的发展势头,以及不变的潜在优势,使巴西再次成为受瞩目的国家,并被冠以“金砖”的名号。如何理解“巴西崛起”？     

上海合作组织塔什干峰会的特殊意义

2010年6月11日,上海合作组织第十次领导人峰会在乌兹别克斯坦首都塔什干举行,会议发表了《上海合作组织成员国元首理事会第十次会议宣言》和《成果新闻稿》,签署并通过了一系列重要协议。塔什干峰会的举行,对推动上合组织框架内的多边合作,增强组织凝聚力和扩大对外开放,以及在复杂背景下进一步提升其国际影响力,具有独特作用和重要意义。     

金砖国家合作的宗旨、精神和机制建设

金砖国家合作的宗旨与精神一、金砖国家自身合作的特点金砖国家的形成和发展体现了当代国际力量对比的量变和质变进程,顺应了当代国际潮流的趋势,推动着国际体系朝着更加公正合理的方向前进。金砖国家正成为当代南南合作和南北对话的重要载体。     

The curious career of an African modernizer: South Africa's Thabo Mbeki

Thabo Mbeki, South Africa's second democratically elected president, was born into left-wing politics. In exile, he became the face of the African National Congress (ANC) and developed a reputation as a modernizer. He returned to the country and built relations, not with the ANC's internal allies, but with the country's business community. In 1996, as Mandela's deputy, Mbeki implemented a neo-liberal economic package, called GEAR, which alienated many. In office, he both failed to acknowledge the threat of HIV/AIDS to the country and refused to pressure the failing regime in Zimbabwe; but it was his bypassing of parliament that ultimately led to his failure as president.     

Overcoming apartheid's legacy: The ascendancy of neoliberalism in South Africa's anti-poverty strategy

Poverty in South Africa is intertwined with a host of social and economic issues. The burden of poverty is exacerbated by limited access to basic services, poor housing, limited employment opportunities and inadequate infrastructure, which are an outcome of the terrible legacies of apartheid. During its first year in office, the ANC-dominated government officially endorsed a policy of 'growth from redistribution', whereby a strong state and a strong market were expected to serve as vehicles for generating growth and reducing poverty and inequality. By 1996, however, the government had embraced a standard neoliberal strategy as a central piece of its anti-poverty strategy. This article examines the potential contradictions between what appears to be on the surface progressive social policy on the one hand, and on the other, the implementation of aggressive neoliberal strategies of privatisation, liberalisation and deficit reduction to stimulate the economy and create jobs. This heavy reliance on market-led solutions is a high risk strategy, since there exists no example internationally where neoliberal adjustment of the sort championed by President Thabo Mbeki and Finance Minister Trevor Manual has produced a socially progressive outcome, especially in a country like South Africa, which is marked by extreme disparity and poverty.     

论中非科技合作:战略意义、政策导向和机制架构

中非科技合作是提升南南合作竞争力、建构新型南北关系的一个支点,是新时期深化中非关系的一方舞台,是助推中非双方共同发展的一股动力,战略意义突出。中非科技合作在政策导向上以增强非洲国家能力建设为要务,以互利共赢为原则,以现实需求为出发点,以政府引导为保障,相应的机制架构包括多边机制、双边机制和专门机制等多个层次,正步入一个快速发展阶段,需要在配套体系建设、打造"企业+技术"的走出去模式、民间力量动员等方面加以重视,以期为微观实践提供更有力的指导和促进。     

少年司法跨部门合作机制的新进展——解读《关于进一步建立和完善办理未成年人刑事案件配套工作体系的若干意见》

2010年8月,《关于进一步建立和完善办理未成年人刑事案件配套工作体系的若干意见》出台,该规定理念先进、亮点突出。其对司法机关的机构专门化建设作了到目前为止最为详尽而严格的规定,实现对涉案未成年人合法利益的平等保护,突出强调跨部门合作机制,进一步加强少年司法制度“司法一条龙”和“社会一条龙”配套工作体系建设,健全配套工作的协调和监督机制,这是对我围二十余年少年司法改革成果的肯定,推动少年司法改革从以往的单打独斗转为各部门协同作战,推进各项改革走向深入。     

The Effect of EU Accession on Internal Migration in Poland

This article examines the impact European Union (EU) policies have on internal migration in Poland. It argues that the EU indirectly through its cohesion funding and internal market policies creates push and pull incentives that affect internal migration. It focuses on the impact of three EU regulated factors: foreign direct investment, international migration, and EU funding. It contends that both foreign investment to a voivodeship as a result of the EU’s internal market policy, and EU funding to a voivodeship as a result of the EU’s cohesion policies, attracts internal migrants to that voivodeship and discourages residents from leaving. The article further argues that increasing international migration from a voivodeship as a result of the EUs labor policies decreases the incentive for internal migration. A cross-sectional time-series statistical analysis finds that higher levels of foreign investment and EU funding attract migrants to a voivodeship, while higher levels of international migration, FDI inflow, and EU funding decreases the incentive for residents of that voivodeship to relocate internally.     

'It's Africa's turn!' The narratives and legitimations surrounding the Moroccan and South African bids for the 2006 and 2010 FIFA finals

African countries are increasingly engaging in bidding wars to host sport mega-events. To date, however, not much analysis has been done of African countries' involvement in the growing global mega-events enterprise. Little is also known of the broader political character and consequences of events and bid campaigns in the international system. This article investigates these aspects through a comparative analysis of the bid processes of South Africa and Morocco for the 2006 and 2010 Soccer World Cup. It explores the internal (domestic) and external (international) elements of their legitimating narratives and promotional rhetoric and how these played out in their international relations. Both countries made extensive use of an ideological and emotive posturing of 'Africa'. Against the background of the generally tenuous position the continent occupies in the wider international system, and of its overwhelmingly negative representation, the two countries' replication of neocolonial ties and use of postcolonial rhetoric both aided and hampered their bid campaigns. Overall, competitions to host mega-events occur on an unequal basis which, for African countries, is worsened by very unfavourable positioning in the international arena.     

澜湄合作的动力机制--基于“利益-责任-规范”的分析

尽管中国主导创设的澜湄合作机制是湄公河地区国际合作机制的后来者,但在过去四年多的时间里其取得了较好的发展成绩,已成为次区域合作的典范。对澜湄合作理论层面的研究与澜湄合作快速发展的现实是不相称的。本文试图搭建一个分析框架来研究中国创设地区机制的动力,认为澜湄合作是中国推动自身利益与湄公河国家利益相适应、在“共同但有区别的责任”原则指导下发挥力所能及的作用、积极构建“利益—责任—规范”三位一体的地区规范的过程。然而,目前增强澜湄合作发展动力还面临着区域内国家之间的利益分歧、“中国责任”与“他方期待”不对称、地区规范建构缓慢等因素的制约。澜湄合作要在众多地区合作机制中脱颖而出,需要关注更高层面的制度设计和集体认同的建设。而建立相对稳定的合作机制和保持制度的灵活性将是未来澜湄合作保持其生命力的重要问题。