海纳百川、包容共生的“上海学派”

与中国物质性崛起相应的是,对中国的思想性崛起的追求也日益提上日程,其中就包括中国特色国际关系理论的建构。由于历史和现实的原因,上海国际关系理论研究先后经历了最初的引介西方国际关系理论和后来的自创中国特色国际关系理论两个阶段的发展,目前正迈向构建"上海学派"的道路。浮现中的"上海学派"以"共生"概念为基础,逐渐发展出以"国际共生论"为核心,以国际体系转型、全球治理、议题关联等为外围的一整套理论和方法。它表现出高度的开放性和包容性,具备宏大的历史视野,且致力于对国际关系各议题相互关系的综合性理解,以期服务于国家总体外交和上海地方发展。但由于核心理论体系尚不完善、研究方法尚不够发达、研究平台和研究团队尚不够强大,"上海学派"的真正形成仍需较长时间。"上海学派"的未来构建需要围绕"国际共生论"发展出其核心理论体系,需要秉承"共生"精神实现多学科、多方法的研究,还需要着眼于可持续发展做实研究平台、夯实研究团队、充实后备力量。     

人、文明体与国家行为北大核心CSSCI

在冷战结束,特别是发生在美国的“9·11”恐怖事件之后,文化在国际关系中的作用似已成为国际关系理论家争论的一个焦点。中国学术界对塞缪尔·亨廷顿、弗朗西斯·福山等关于文明的观点,以及亚历山大·温特等人的建构主义理论表现出高度关注,可能还与这样一个特殊背景有关：中国是一个正在融入国际社会的上升大国,其文明经验与所强调的道路与西方社会的历史逻辑有巨大差异,现实主义、自由主义等既有主流国际关系理论对这一重大议题的解释效力不大,而建构主义及文明学派强调文化、观念等“软”的方面,似有更大的讨论空间,存在着产生一种更具解释力的理论的可能性。也正是在这一背景下,中国学界提出了建立国际关系理论的“中国学派”问题。然而,建立中国学派,必须借鉴新的学科和引入新的研究工具。国际关系研究并无自己的方法,它是不断借鉴其他学科（如政治学、经济学、社会学、心理学）的方法发展起来的,因此,若无新的工具和新方法的引入,建立新学派的想法只能是纸上谈兵。古人云：“临渊羡鱼,不如退而结网”,中国学派的建立问题应从应然（应当如何）层面的讨论转到实然操作层面,即尝试引入一些新概念工具和解释一些实际问题。本期刊载的这组“人、文化与国家行为”专题论文,将心理文化学的视角和分析工具引入到国际关系研究领域,便是这个方面的努力。     

中国国际关系理论的发展与创新——刘丰教授访谈

国际关系理论是学科的思想积淀和知识根基,其研究状况直接反映出中国国际关系学科的整体发展面貌和水平。进入21世纪以来,在国际政治经济格局发生深刻变化、中国国家实力和地位显著提升等外部力量推动下,中国国际关系学科进入了快速发展的阶段,对理论创新的需求和呼声愈发强烈。最近几年,中国学者构建原创性国际关系理论的努力已经产生了一些初步成果,受到国内外学术界的关注和讨论。那么,在中国国际关系学界,理论研究经历了哪几个发展阶段?出现过哪些重大理论争鸣?当前中国国际关系理论研究取得了哪些新进展?存在着哪些缺陷和不足?如何看待有关国际关系理论的中国学派的主张?中国国际关系理论研究的发展前景如何?为此,本刊特约记者南开大学周恩来政府管理学院博士研究生马骦专访南开大学周恩来政府管理学院刘丰教授,他的主要研究领域是国际关系理论、国际安全和东亚国际关系,专著《制衡的逻辑:结构压力、霸权正当性与大国行为》,译著《现实主义与国际政治》《没有应答的威胁》《新古典现实主义国际政治理论》等。     

中国的“英国学派”国际社会理论研究——张小明教授访谈

21世纪以来,中国国际关系学界对"英国学派"国际社会理论给予了较多关注。目前,对这一议题的国内研究已超越初期的译介与评述,正进一步深化,并尝试结合中国与国际社会的互动实践及思想资源进行创新思考。因此,有必要对国内相关研究情况进行阶段总结,例如,"英国学派"国际社会理论在中国的兴起背景是怎样的?国内研究的主要代表人物及不同侧重点有哪些?已有研究存在哪些不足?如何看待此研究的发展前景?为此,北京大学国际关系学院博士生刘毅专访北京大学国际关系学院张小明教授。张教授的主要研究领域包括"英国学派"国际社会理论、美国与东亚关系、中国周边安全环境等,著有《国际关系英国学派:历史、理论与中国观》《美国与东亚关系导论》《中国周边安全环境分析》等;译有《无政府社会:世界政治中的秩序研究》《理解全球冲突与合作:历史与理论》等。     

走自主发展之路——争论中的“中国学派”

建设国际关系学的“中国学派”不仅可能而且必要。中国崛起已经并将继续对21世纪的世界政治和经济产生重大的影响，也在一定程度上推动中国式国际关系理论的产生。中国的思想、哲学、文化为“中国学派”的产生提供了必要的知识资源。中国学界对“中国学派”国际关系学理论的探索，表明了中国学人的自信心和“成为知识的生产者”的志向。     

该不该有国际政治理论的中国学派?——兼评美国的国际政治理论

近些年来,有别于传统的“国际问题”研究模式的国际政治理论研究在中国悄然而起,对此,国内的国际关系学术界普遍持肯定态度。我认为,中国的国际政治理论研究者应力求使自己的研究体现出创造性和独立性,以求建立“国际政治学的中国学派”。 这种认识首先基于当今世界的国际政治学研究状况。目前,在全球意义上的国际政治学界,美国的国际政治理论居于主导和统治地位,以至于在许多人看来,“真正”的国际政治理论基本上就是美国的理论,美国的     

关于国际关系理论的本体论问题--从西方理论到中国理论

国际关系理论历来存在着本体论、认识论和方法论之间的整合问题。这三者整合得好,会发展出成功的理论范式,从而极大地促进国际关系理论的创新和发展。其中,就理论价值而言,本体论显然具有更为重要的意义。因为它关系到国际关系的存在形式是什么的最基本问题,也关系到国际关系理论的基本内核是什么的本源性课题。从西方国际关系主流理论的第三次、第四次论战来看,它们均直接与本体论问题有关,被认为是国际关系学界最大的理论反思和本体思辨,这种理论反思和本体思辨已经大大促进了国际关系理论的发展。就中国的国际关系理论发展和建设来说,只有在本体论上取得突破,才能建构起中国学派。需要强调的是,以自己的本体论为基础,建构中国式的国际关系理论,可以为中国的国际关系理论和学科建设不断注入新的知识源泉,并提供知识再生产的能力。     

关于国际关系理论的本体论问题——从西文理论到中国理论

国际关系理论历来存在着本体论、认识论和方法论之间的整合问题。这三者整合得 好,会发展出成功的理论范式,从而极大地促进国际关系理论的创新和发展。其中,就理论价 值而言,本体论显然具有更为重要的意义。因为它关系到国际关系的存在形式是什么的最基 本问题,也关系到国际关系理论的基本内核是什么的本源性课题。从西方国际关系主流理论 的第三次、第四次论战来看,它们均直接与本体论问题有关,被认为是国际关系学界最大的理 论反思和本体思辨,这种理论反思和本体思辨已经大大促进了国际关系理论的发展。就中国 的国际关系理论发展和建设来说,只有在本体论上取得突破,才能建构起中国学派。需要强调 的是,以自己的本体论为基础,建构中国式的国际关系理论,可以为中国的国际关系理论和学 科建设不断注入新的知识源泉,并提供知识再生产的能力。     

关于创建国际关系理论体系的几点看法

国际关系理论是一门新兴的发展中的综合性学科。在西方又称国际关系学,它是一战后最先在英美形成为独立的学科,这与它们当时的国际地位有关。二战后,出现许多学派,各有自己的理论体系,从名称到研究方法也不相同,而且还在不断发展中。在苏联,六十年代还没有建立国际关系理论,对西方国际关系理论持完全批判的态度。七十年代苏联才开始研究,并认为国际关系理论是"分析评价和预测国际形势发展、制定对外政策和战略的理论基础。"现称"这个理论正处在创立和发展的初期"。积极创建我国自己的国际关系理论,已成为实践中提出的刻不容缓的任务。因为战后,国际政治发生了根本的变化,国际关系变得错综复杂,严峻多变,出现了许多新的情况与新问题,旧的理论已不能解释。再则我国实行对外开放政策后,在对外政策上也有重大的调整,我国的国际地位有很大的提高,对外关系有很大的发展。这也需要从理论上论证与说     

21世纪以来中国古代对外关系研究——潘忠岐教授访谈

21世纪以来,中国学术界从不同视角对中国古代对外关系进行研究,取得很多开创性的成果,并得到国际同行的高度关注,促成了国际关系理论研究中中国元素的增加。中国古代对外关系研究是如何发展起来的?取得了哪些成绩?其中,中华经典国际关系研究有何特别之处?中国古代对外关系研究在多大程度上能助力国际关系理论研究中国学派的构建?中国古代对外关系研究存在哪些主要问题?是否一定要突破既有的理论框架?在研究方法上应该注意什么?为此,本刊特约记者、复旦大学国际关系与公共事务学院博士研究生信岩呈专访复旦大学国际关系与公共事务学院潘忠岐教授。潘忠岐教授的主要研究方向为国际关系理论、中国对外政策与战略、中美与中欧关系、中华经典国际关系等,著有:《中华经典国际关系概念》《针锋未必相对:战略思维与中美互动的对弈逻辑》《国际政治学理论解析》等。     

“Feminists make too much noise!”: generational differences and ambivalence in feminist development politics in Ghana

Despite the crucial role feminist movements play in securing progressive development policies, legislation and socio-legal protections for women, labeling women’s rights issues as feminist has contradictory, mostly negative, effects on the women’s movement in Africa. This paper discusses research findings that show that older women (activists) are more likely to self-identify as feminists than younger women in Ghana. I argue that, while resistance to feminism may have roots in anti-imperialism, socio-cultural and economic privileges play a crucial role in such resistance at an individual level. Based on findings discussed in the paper I suggest the following. First, the perceived threat of feminism to African socio-cultural norms dialectically enhances opportunities for advancing women’s rights in development planning through a more transformative civil liberties route as opposed to a “special victims’ unit” approach. Second, further empirical research is needed to assess the impact of various intersecting variables (class, age, ethnicity, sexuality, religion and geographical location) on feminist politics in Africa.     

Chinese public administration: misunderstanding and implications

This paper argues that current research works on Chinese public administration are atheoretical or pre-theoretical, that findings generated could not serve as a basis for the development of a general (or medium-range) theory of Chinese public administration or Chinese bureaucratic behavior, and that atheoretical or pre-theoretical research contributes very little to advancement of usable knowledge for problem-solving. The foci of the discussion in this paper are four major fallacies and problems, namely, over-simplification of causes, misformation of concept, stereotyping, and non-usable knowledge. It is concluded that China scholars should be more theoretically rigorous and work with their counterparts in China in order to contribute to theory-building and practical problem-solving.     

Africa and the export of China’s clean energy revolution

The spectacular scale and speed of China’s domestic renewable energy capacity development and technology catch-up has in recent years been followed by the ‘go out’ of Chinese clean energy technology firms seeking new markets and opportunities in sub-Saharan Africa. This paper explores the growing involvement of China in the development and transfer of renewable energy technologies in Africa and examines the key drivers and obstacles shaping Chinese renewable energy investments and exports. Far from there being some kind of grand or harmonious strategy directed by a single monolithic state, we argue that fragmented and decentralised state apparatuses and quasi-market actors in China are increasingly pursuing their own independent interests and agendas around renewable energy in Africa in ways often marked by conflict, inconsistency and incoherence. Moving beyond the state-centric analysis common in much of the research on contemporary China–Africa relations, we examine the motivations of a range of non-state and quasi-state actors, as well their different perceptions and constructions of risk, policy environments and political stability in recipient countries. The paper explores the case study example of South Africa, where Chinese firms have become increasingly significant in the diffusion of renewable energy technology.     

China’s foreign aid system: structure,agencies, and identities

China’s rise as a (re)emerging donor has attracted attention over the last decade, with a focus on Chinese development assistance as a challenge to the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) aid norms. Knowledge of China’s domestic aid structure is needed to understand Chinese aid abroad. This paper addresses gaps in the literature and challenges the accepted nostrum that China’s Ministry of Commerce (MOFCOM) dominates China’s aid programme. Building on the authors’ experience as Chinese aid practitioners and scholars over more than a decade and drawing on over 300 interviews, the paper explores China’s aid decision-making processes by examining the main agencies, identities and informal interactions. We argue that the Chinese aid system is characterised by fierce and ongoing competition for influence among actors, especially MOFCOM, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA) and the Ministry of Finance (MoF), as well as the companies responsible for implementing Chinese aid projects.     

Revisiting the Feminist Debates on International Labor Standards in the Aftermath of Rana Plaza

This paper revisits the turn of the millennium feminist debates on international labor standards in the aftermath of the Rana Plaza factory collapse of 2013 that killed over 1100 garment workers in Bangladesh. Feminists were divided over the benefits of establishing internationally enforced labor standards and, more generally, on the usefulness of transnational activism and union organizing for garment workers. The arguments of some feminist opponents during and in the aftermath of the debate emphasized the relative advantages of garment jobs, dismissed the importance of union rights, and criticized the labor transnationalism. These arguments have left unchallenged the current regulatory regime in Bangladesh by allaying concerns about poor working conditions. Drawing upon new empirical evidence, the paper shows that export growth under the market regulatory regime has failed to improve labor conditions in the sector. The paper makes the case for the continuing relevance of feminist arguments that favor a more proactive stance to make job growth compatible with wage gains and improved labor conditions. As they argued, the scope of the response has to be international, including solidaristic activism supporting local worker organizations, and the use of wage increases to move Bangladesh on a development path toward a higher-productivity, higher-wage economy.     

Discussing conflict in contemporary China

The research suggests there is a gap in the peace studies and conflict resolution literature, with little representation or understanding of Chinese perspectives. In a project to address this gap, the researchers conducted interviews individually with 30 participants identified as ‘ emerging leaders’, who came from diverse universities and parts of the Peoples’ Republic of China. This paper reports on the language used by young emerging leaders to talk about conflict, the main concepts that were discussed and what meanings may be communicated in the context of contemporary China. The research method was developed in collaboration with Chinese academics, was elicitive and dialogic, used context-grounded vignettes of conflict scenarios and aimed to build a foundation for deepening dialogue and engagement. The findings are important theoretically for a more inclusive peace and conflict studies literature and have practical implications for the way in which relationships with China may best be approached.     

新时期中国对外战略的内涵与特点

中共十六大以后的10年,国际体系面临重大变化,政治和经济危机征兆相继而来,同时中国的国力增长取得惊人的进展。面对复杂形势,中央先后提出和平发展战略与和谐世界思想,为中国的对外方针提供了重要的指导方向和理念基础,使中国与世界的关系进入了新的良性发展阶段,也是未来中国前进的理论平台。     

Between poverty and prosperity: China’s dependent development and the ‘middle-income trap’

Despite China’s rapid economic growth in the past three decades, Chinese officials and experts are increasingly worried that the country is slowly heading towards the ‘middle-income trap’. The fear is that China might suffer the same stagnation and turbulence as Latin American economies did in the 1980s and 1990s. Will China be able to avoid this trap? Building on the insights of world-systems theory, this paper argues that China’s dependent development, although enabling it to escape the ‘poverty trap’, is likely to bog it down in the ‘middle-income trap’. China’s heavy reliance upon foreign technologies and investment has harmful effects on its economy. Dependent development not only increases China’s economic vulnerability but also truncates domestic industries. To escape the trap, the Chinese state should play a more active role in shifting its growth model away from low-end commodity manufacturing to knowledge-based, high value-added activities.     

Substance-Abusing Female Offenders as Victims: Chronological Sequencing of Pathways Into the Criminal Justice System

This study assesses the entrance of substance-abusing female offenders (N = 1,209) into the criminal justice system through temporal patterns (using age of first victimization, drug use, and arrest). Nine pathways were identified. Unexpectedly, the leading path was a sequence where drug use preceded arrest in absence of childhood victimization. However, women under a path inclusive of victimization possessed more risk factors. Findings support feminist pathway research, which states that childhood victimization is generally present in female offenders’ lives. Nevertheless, results also revealed that a drug pathway without childhood abuse proved to be as important and even more dominant among criminal justice–involved women.     

Dismantling the Chinese mini-welfare state?: Marketization and the politics of institutional transformation, 1979–1999

This article presents a systematic examination of the workplace-based welfare system in urban China. During the pre-reform period from 1949 to 1978, most welfare provisions in China were delivered and the majority of welfare spending was spent by workplace units. Since China's market transition started in the late 1970s, this workplace-based welfare system is no longer financially sustainable, and more importantly its functioning constitutes an impediment to the formation of an institutional configuration for a market economy in China. The Chinese government has therefore experienced increasing pressure to reshape this workplace-based welfare system into a genuine welfare state, so as to shift the responsibilities of welfare provisions from individual work units to government bodies. Some institutional arrangements characteristic of welfare pluralism, which emphasize that the state, employers, and individuals share welfare responsibilities, are also incorporated into the newly emergent social welfare system in urban China.