父权的延续——基于对农民工家庭的质性研究

基于对34个农民工家庭的质性研究发现,农民工夫妻共同外出后,夫妻间的性别关系并没有发生根本性改变,原有的不平等关系复制到了城市。不平等关系得以延续的原因有:农村社区中传统的劳动性别分工及性别规范对农民工夫妻的影响并没有减弱;受家庭本位观念的影响,家庭的整体利益抑制了农民工夫妻对各自利益的追求;农民工夫妻基于各自的能力进行分工,夫妻间能力的差距不仅没有缩减反而有扩大趋势。     

Policy Developments for Workplace Gender Equity in a Global Era: The Importance of the EU in the UK

abstract This article asks whether attempts to achieve gender equity in the workplace are limited by globalization. On the one hand, globalization has been seen to curtail ambitions for equity in employment because of the increased power of global capital as compared with labor, including within the state. On the other hand, there are two counter tendencies. One is the modernization of the gender regime, which has restructured gender inequalities and developed new political constituencies among women, and the other is the development of new polities, in particular the European Union, in response to the perceived challenge of globalization. I investigate the impact of these crosscutting changes on policies aimed at gender equity in the workplace in the UK. I consider data on changes in gender equity in the workplace and developments in employment policy, especially increased education and the changing regulation of working time and equal opportunities policies. The article concludes that globalization does not lead to the weakening of all polities, that the EU has become increasingly powerful in the context of globalization, and that despite the weakening of labor, the increased education of women and the increased articulation of women's political voices has led to improvements in some dimensions of the position of some women in employment.     

论构筑反腐败的制度平台

中国目前正处于从单一的以政府为中心的治理结构向多中心的、自主的治理结构的转变过程之中。中国目前许多腐败形式的流行,都与转型期治理结构的某些过渡性特征有着密切的关系。推进治理结构的变革,建立政治国家-市场经济-公民社会分工合作的新型治理结构,乃是构筑反腐败制度平台的重要举措。为此要求深化以市场化、民营化、分权化、自治化、网络化为基本面向的反腐败体制改革,同时要求市场经济和公民社会的各类主体共同参与到反腐败过程中来。     

Alexa,Alert Me When the Revolution Comes: Gender,Affect, and Labor in the Age of Home-Based Artificial Intelligence

The fantasy of automation is one of liberation from alienating tasks. Today, domestic artificial intelligence (AI) enacts this dream of frictionlessly offloading monotony. This article deploys theories of Marxist feminism, affective labor to interrogate domestic AI’s unprecedented promise of absorbing forms of labor we hardly acknowledged that we did. While these devices make the reproductive labor of the household legible as labor, we interrogate their quasi-emancipatory promise. We argue that devices such as Amazon’s Alexa or Google Home elide and reproduce the gendered and racialized dimensions of domestic labor, streamline this labor for capture by capital, and heighten the very affective dynamics they promise to ameliorate. Only critical political theories of work can illuminate the unfulfilled transformations and ongoing dominations of gender, race, and affect that saturate labor with domestic AI – expressed, we contend, by re-articulating the framework of the “social factory” to that of the “social server.”     

A British Gender Gap? Gender and Political Participation

The Electoral Commission's recently published report Gender and Political Participation captures in a clear and accessible fashion the ways in which gender determines the nature of women and men's political participation in the UK. Analysing existing academic survey research it establishes that there is an overall gender gap in political activism with men more active than women. However, it also finds that there is no gender gap in voter turnout at national, regional, or local elections and that in some political activities, such as signing petitions or boycotting products, women are more likely than men to be active. The report also raises important questions about the consequences - substantive and in terms of legitimacy - of women's lower levels of participation in party politics, and suggests that political parties should ensure that greater numbers of women are elected to our political institutions.     

Masculine Markets and Feminine Care: A Gender Analysis of the National Performance Review

This essay aims to uncover how and in what ways gender figures in the three National Performance Review reports. The analysis uncovers the different ways that gender operates in the reports and, in doing so, highlights why policy language matters. At the analytic level of the word, the reports are gender inclusive. At the analytic level of the sentence, the figurative language, metaphors, and bridging assumptions privilege experiences and actions that are socially constructed as male and rely on traditional gender stereotypes about work, family, and government service use. At the analytic level of discourse, masculine market and feminine care discourses are identified and explicated. That care discourse emerged amid a movement to make government more businesslike and market oriented suggests that perhaps care values and practices deserve greater intellectual scrutiny.     

Still Supermadres? Gender and the Policy Priorities of Latin American Legislators

This article examines the effect of gender on legislators' attitudes and bill initiation behavior in three Latin American countries—Argentina, Colombia, and Costa Rica. I argue that sex role changes in Latin America over the past 35 years have led to changes in how female legislators perceive their political roles, and consequently, changes in their attitudes and behavior. Specifically, female legislators will place higher priority than male legislators on women's issues and children/family concerns, but their attitudes in other areas, such as education, health, the economy, agriculture, and employment, will be similar. However, I expect that gender dynamics in the legislative arena lead to marginalization of women such that gender differences will emerge for bill initiation behavior where they did not appear for attitudes. I test this using a survey of legislators' issue preferences and archival data on the bills that legislators sponsor and find statistical support for the hypotheses.     

Enterprise Reorganization and Social Insurance Reform: The Development of Early Retirement in France and Germany

What explains the decline in the labor force participation rates of elderly workers at the end of their working lives? Why have governments been unable to revert towards early exit from the labor market? This paper provides an actor‐centered analysis of the development of early retirement, highlighting the political negotiation among unions, employers, and governments over the distribution of the costs of these measures and the division of control over the initiation of these policies. By analyzing developments in France and Germany, the paper points to the failure of these negotiations to arrive at policy outcomes that close off the labor shedding of large firms.     

Revisiting the Gender Gap in Political Knowledge

Gender-based differences in political knowledge are pervasive in the United States and abroad. Previous research on the source of these differences has focused on resource differentials or instrumentation, with scholars arguing either that the gender gap is real and intractable, or that it is an artifact of the way the concept is measured. Our study differs from past work by showing that (1) male–female differences in political knowledge persist even when knowledge is measured with recommended practices, but that (2) knowledge gaps can be ameliorated. Across laboratory, survey, and natural experiments, we document how exposure to information diminishes gender-based differences in political knowledge. The provision of facts reduces—and often eliminates—the gender gap in political knowledge on questions covering a range of topics.     

From 'welfare without work' to 'buttressed liberalization': The shifting dynamics of labor market adjustment in France and Germany

Abstract.  During the past decade, prevailing scholarship has portrayed France and Germany as suffering from a persistent syndrome of 'welfare without work' entailing a vicious circle between stubbornly high rates of unemployment and non-wage labor costs. Scholars blame this disease on dysfunctional political arrangements, deep insider-outsider cleavages and failed systems of social partnership. As a result, the two countries are said to be more or less permanently mired in a context of high unemployment that is highly resistant to remediation. This article departs from this conventional wisdom in two important respects. First, it argues that France and Germany have undertaken major reforms of their labor market policies and institutions during the past decade and remediated many of their longstanding employment traps. Second, it shows that the political arrangements that adherents of the 'welfare without work' thesis identify as reasons for sclerosis have evolved quite dramatically. The article supports these arguments by exploring some of the most significant recent labor market reforms in the two countries, as well as the shifting political relationships that have driven these changes. In both countries, recent labor market reforms have followed a trajectory of 'buttressed liberalization'. This has involved, on the one hand, significant liberalization of labor market regulations such as limits on overtime and worker protections such as unemployment insurance. On the other hand, it has entailed a set of supportive, 'buttressing' reforms involving an expansion of active labor market policies and support for workers' efforts to find jobs. The article concludes that these developments provide reasons for optimism about the countries' economic futures and offer important lessons about how public policy can confront problems of labor market stagnation.     

Family Leave Policies and Labor Market Segregation in Germany: Reinvention or Reform of the Male Breadwinner Model?1

abstract The historically dominant male breadwinner and female carer model in West Germany has resulted in comparably low female employment rates and a gender‐structured labor market. Since the 1970s, the decline of traditional patterns and sectors of male employment has been accompanied by the expansion of the female‐dominated service sector. Supplemented by women's higher educational attainment, a pluralism of household forms, and German unification, the result has been constant growth in female employment. With more working mothers, the question of combining work and family has provoked policy responses that, in West Germany, have mainly centered on family leave policies. In addressing the question of whether these policies have resulted in a more equitable sharing of paid and family work, this article presents longitudinal empirical data on the working patterns of women entitled to different forms of family leave. These show how changing regulations have led to the institutionalization of a “baby break” for younger women and to the promotion of labor market exclusion.     

Party Feminism: Gender Gaps within Nordic Political Parties

On the basis of surveys of Danish and Norwegian political party members, this article shows that female presence is comparatively high in Danish and Norwegian parties, and that there are a number of consistent and politically significant gender differences in political opinions within the parties. These gender gaps are largest regarding issues that are not central to the ideological core of the parties and on issues where women are particularly affected. The study still reveals the importance of party in the sense that the differences between the members of different parties are greater than the gender gaps within parties. In the Nordic party systems, gender as such does not constitute a political force transcending the left–right dimension.     

Women and the Labour Party: Gender and the Writing of British Political History

This article takes stock of the state of women's political history in the twentieth century and suggests new lines of enquiry, drawing on the authors’ own work on the Labour Party. It identifies a number of key themes which have enriched histories of women and gender in the nineteenth and early twentieth century and considers how these might be developed. Firstly, it examines the significance of the local, and more particularly, the neighbourhood, in women's political lives. Secondly, it asserts the value of focussing on the membership, including the economic, social and cultural shifts that shaped their lives, the intersection of gender with factors such as age or ethnicity, and their own political identities. Finally, it stresses the importance of interrogating masculine cultures to understand how gendered dynamics played out. It concludes with a reminder that inserting women into established political narratives is insufficient: the point is to transform those narratives.     

Globalisation, the reformist Left and the Anti-Globalisation 'Movement'

This article discusses the meaning and significance of globalisation in relation to the main theoretical trends on the matter (which are compared and contrasted to the Inclusive Democracy (ID) approach), as well as with reference to the nature and potential of the present anti-globalisation movement. It is shown that the main division in the theoretical analysis of the Left on the matter, and also within the anti-globalisation movement, centres around the crucial issue of whether the present globalisation (which is considered to lead to a growing concentration of economic and political power and to an eco-catastrophic development) is reversible within the market economy system, as theorised by the reformist Left, or whether instead it can only be eliminated within the process of developing a new mass anti-systemic movement, which starts building 'from below' a new form of democratic globalisation. It is argued that such an alternative globalisation should be based on a New Democratic World Order that is founded on the equal distribution of political and economic power between nations and their citizens, irrespective of gender, race, ethnicity or culture.     

数字经济下的生产社会化与企业分工协作:演进与特性

数字经济是以数字化原料为劳动对象,利用数字化劳动资料进行生产活动的经济形式,在此基础上,数字技术经由企业分工协作体系的重塑推动着生产社会化的发展。依据马克思主义政治经济学原理,以企业分工协作为切入点,通过剖析企业间网络化分工协作和企业内部数字劳动过程,可发现并阐明数字经济下生产社会化中的最新进展及其双刃剑特性。该性质表明:数字经济既可以推动生产活动向社会化方向发展而代表更先进生产力,同时也会激化企业分工与社会分工、生产社会化与生产资料私人占有之间的矛盾。由此表明,数字经济下的生产社会化演进必将呈现出企业分工代替社会分工,以及所有制形式由生产资料私有制向公有制形式转变的发展趋势。     

The Roots of the Gender Gap in Political Knowledge in Adolescence

Why do men score better than women do on tests of political knowledge? We consider the roots of the gender gap in political knowledge in late adolescence. Using a panel survey of high school seniors, we consider the differences between young men and young women in what they know about politics and how they learn over the course of a midterm election campaign. We find that even after controlling for differences in dispositions like political interest and efficacy, young women are still significantly less politically knowledgeable than young men. While campaigns neither widen nor close the gender gap in political knowledge, we find important gender differences in how young people respond to the campaign environment. While partisan conflict is more likely to promote learning among young men, young women are more likely to gain information in environments marked by consensus rather than conflict.     

Towards a Feminist Aesthetics of Melancholia: Kristeva,Adorno, and Modern Women Writers

Abstract

Melancholia is a hybrid concept, deployed in feminist and philosophical theories politics and aesthetics, but "properly" belonging to neither. This heterogeneity of melancholia as both an aesthetic and a political category allows us to interrogate the interrelationship between gender politics and aesthetics without, however, abolishing their differences. Reinterpreted in the context of a feminist aesthetics, melancholia not only points to art's origin in the unjust and gendered division of labor and power but also to the ethical and political task of art to bear witness to the mute suffering of women cut off from the signifying possibilities of language. Moving beyond the entrenched oppositions between historicism/subjectivism, subject/object, or formalism/materialism, my own approach to an aesthetics of melancholia in women's modern novels stresses unpredictable, conflicting migrations of pain between subjects and objects, political oppression and autonomous art, language and affect.     

我国儿童早期照顾政策框架构建——基于资源平等理论视角

我国儿童早期照顾领域存在照顾责任公私分担失衡、照顾资源分布不均、照顾劳动性别分工和代际分工不合理等现象,亟待公共政策干预。立足我国现实,以德沃金的资源平等理论作为伦理基础,可提出儿童早期照顾政策的伦理依据,即以保障儿童与母亲权利为核心原则,以保障父母工作-家庭平衡、祖辈老年权益为辅助原则。在政策分析中,首先基于政策网络模型,阐述政策行动者的网络定位及他们在网络间的互动关系,厘清不同行动者之间的资源与权力交换机制;然后利用图尔敏结构模型,提出具有开放性和包容性的政策方案,并最终形成旨在保障儿童和照顾者权利、促进家庭和社会发展的我国儿童早期照顾政策框架。     

Gender,political participation and electoral systems: A cross‐national analysis

This article investigates whether the smaller gender gaps in political engagement, found in more proportional electoral systems, translate into smaller gender differences in political participation. Using data from the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems, it presents the argument that more proportional systems may send signals that multiple interests are included in the policy‐making process, which may increase women's levels of political participation and thereby reduce gender gaps. Additionally, the article tests for the possibility that a greater number of political parties and the elected representatives they provide act as barriers to political participation that have a greater impact on women's levels of participation than men's. It is argued that women's lower levels of political resources and engagement might create more difficult barriers for them than for men. Results lend little support for the first hypothesis, but a greater confirmation for the second.