Civil Society Relationships with the G20: An Extension of the G8 Template or Distinctive Pattern of Engagement?

The central question that this work asks is whether the relationship between the G20 summit process and civil society is path dependent on the template built up with respect to the G8. Or, alternatively, does the G20–civil society relationship move towards a distinct autonomous pattern? Through the perspective of the G8 template it is the differences as much as the basic similarities that stand out with respect to the G20. Civil society recognised the significance of the G20 as a site both of delivery and resistance far quicker than they did with the G8—although the process of engagement did not take place as quickly as might have been expected given the scale of the impact of the global financial crisis. In terms of scope, there has not developed the sense of connection with the G20 agenda as occurred previously with the G8. In terms of form, there remains a more nuanced approach to the relationship between civil society and G20 than the two ends of the “Genoa” and “Gleneagles” spectrum established with the G8.     

一种新的国际经济协调机制的建构——简评G20机制在应对全球经济危机中的作用

随着世界经济全球化的深入发展和新兴经济体的崛起,为应对全球经济危机而临时召开的二十国集团领导人会议（简称G20峰会）逐渐取代八国集团首脑会议（G8）,成为调整各国经济金融政策、维持和促进全球经济增长的主要国际经济金融合作平台。至此,G20正式形成二十国集团财长央行行长会议和二十国集团领导人会议（简称G20峰会）并行召开的国际经济协调合作框架,成为协调各国经济金融政策的主要机制。     

Where Are the Women in Global Governance? Leaders,Wives and Hegemonic Masculinity in the G8 and G20 Summits

Although various studies have explored women's representation and participation in the central mechanisms of global governance such as the United Nations, the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund, no similar study exists in the case of the summit meetings of the Group of Eight and Group of Twenty countries. This article begins by identifying the participation of women within these formal and informal fora of global governance and concludes that both summits represent sites of hegemonic masculinity in terms of space, style and, to an extent, substance. It then extends its focus towards an exploration and evaluation of the occasions when women have played an apparently dominant role in these summit meetings: as spouses. Whilst acknowledging the impact of their participation in terms of agenda setting and policymaking, in addition to the ceremonial roles they play through the various social events and photo opportunities organised on the periphery of these summits, the article concludes that these activities serve ultimately to reinforce the elite nature of summitry, in addition to a gendered division of labour and a hegemonic form of masculinity therein.     

The G20 after Los Cabos: Illusions of Global Economic Governance

The failure of the Los Cabos summit to satisfactorily address the European sovereign debt crisis and ominous world economic outlook, let alone agree on concrete measures to improve the oversight and functioning of the global economy, appears to confirm the diminishing effectiveness and relevance of the G20 as an organ of international governance since its inception in December 2008. While few accomplishments were achieved in the area of global governance during the Mexican presidency, acute collective action problems, made worse by the present economic crisis, paralysed the G20 in the lead-up to and during the Los Cabos summit. These collective action problems and the ensuing failure of global governance are attributable to the absence of leadership evident at both the global and European levels, which in turn testifies to the excessive dispersion of state economic and political power within the international system.     

二十国集团在全球治理结构中的角色分析

二十国集团作为国际经济合作的主要平台,要在全球经济治理中发挥核心作用,需要处理好与其他国际机构的关系。二十国集团取代了八国集团在国际经济合作中的地位,并相对明确地划分了各自的议题领域;帮助国际货币基金组织和世界银行筹措资金,推动它们进行配额改革,并取得一定进展;承诺抵制贸易保护主义,推动世界贸易组织多哈回合谈判尽快结束;正努力与联合国建立互利合作的关系。     

Capabilities and aspirations: South Korea’s rise as a middle power

In November 2010, the G20 Summit was held in Seoul. The G20 has increasingly replaced the G8 as being the premier forum for international economic cooperation, but in November 2010, it was the first time that a summit was held in country that was not a G8 member. It was by the Korean government seen as evidence of the country finally having achieved the goal of becoming an advanced nation playing, while still constrained by the division of the peninsula, a global role in line with its economic standing. The article argues that this has been a constant theme in Korea’s foreign policy since it was originally formulated in 1994 as part of the country’s globalization policy. This addition of an intentional dimension, to the objective capabilities created during the previous decades, has increasingly resulted in the type of behavior associated with middle power status.     

Transcending the Classroom: A Practical Guide to Remote Role Plays in Teaching International Negotiation

This article discusses the pedagogical value of using remote role plays in cross‐cultural negotiations between two classes taught simultaneously at different and geographically distant institutions. We argue that remote role‐play simulations provide valuable teaching and learning experiences, and are particularly helpful for managing issues associated with outside‐group negotiation and cultural differences, the prenegotiation stage, electronic negotiations and distorted communication, and one‐shot settings in which the negotiator lacks previous knowledge of the partner. The article begins with a discussion of some critical limitations of “traditional” in‐class role plays, followed by a practical guide to remote role plays and a report of our experiences with them. Finally, we discuss the advantages and disadvantages of remote role plays as a teaching tool for international negotiation classes and the key lessons for the participating students.     

Getting to the Table in Oslo: Driving Forces and Channel Factors

Using the secret Middle East peace talks in Oslo, Norway as a case example, the authors develop a conceptual framework for analyzing prenegotiation processes in negotiation. The framework focuses on understanding changes in the balance of geopolitical, internal, political, and group psychological forces that lead parties to negotiate. The framework also highlights the importance of channel factors, such as the use of unofficial representatives, small-state sponsorship, co-mediation, secret diplomacy, and staged agreements. Although developed with reference to the Oslo peace process, the authors believe this framework has broader applicability to the analysis of prenegotiation processes in international and ethnic disputes and other situations of protracted conflict. They conclude with a series of questions for future prenegotiation research.     

Altering conflict attitudes through prenegotiation contact

This experiment investigates the hypothesis that prenegotiation contact improves conflict attitudes between adversaries. Many different literatures theoretically support variations on this theme, but there has been very little empirical work which directly tests the idea. Using experimental methodology and an international conflict simulation to collect data, the findings from this study demonstrate that there is a strong recasting effect associated with prenegotiation contact. Attitudes are changed in relation to the conflict in general, views of the opponent, and views of self. While the results strongly support the positive effect of prenegotiation contact upon conflict attitudes, important questions are raised regarding other theoretical and empirical dimensions of the process as it relates to international conflict resolution.     

Shift in the Center of Global Economic Governance

The G20 which includes emerging economies has been playing a key role in guiding the world’s response to the global financial crisis and tends to become the "main forum for global economic cooperation",This move reflects a shift in the center of gravity of global economic power and may further influence the strategies of the various major powers in the world.     

Ripening Within? Strategies Used by Rebel Negotiators to End Ethnic War

This article explores what strategies rebels use to prepare their ethnic community for negotiated peace. Proposed strategies are distilled from relevant theory and systematically investigated in case analyses of peace negotiations in Sri Lanka, Indonesian Aceh, and Senegal. The empirical findings indicate that although a coercive military capacity underpinned claims to ethnic representation, coercion did not dominate during the prenegotiation phase. During negotiations, noncoercive persuasion, as well as collective and selective incentives, clearly dominated. Moreover, the most important measures were internal to the negotiating rebel group. The successful rebel negotiator appeared to “mobilize in reverse” by initially targeting the core of military leaders followed by competitor groups and constituents. The article systematically examines across cases what measures rebel negotiators have used to “ripen” their own community, how these measures have been sequenced, and against whom they have been directed. The findings have important implications for the concepts of ripeness and prenegotiation and their requirements. The study underscores in particular the relevance of rebels' nonviolent commitment signals, something that has been largely overlooked in the research on nonstate armed actors. The policy implications suggest the possible benefits of third‐party assistance to efforts to promote communication, public outreach, and procedural transparency on the nonstate side in connection with peace talks.     

Diplomacy at the United Nations: The dual agenda of the 1992 security council summit

The Security Council summit meeting of 31 January 1992 was supposed to be a momentous event that would determine the course of the world body and international peace and security in the post-Cold War era. Despite high expectations, though, the actual meeting did not produce much more than a broadly-phrased declaration of good intentions. The article examines the hypothesis that the meeting had a dual agenda, with a hidden as well as a public part. It is argued that the main item on the hidden agenda was the confirmation, beyond any doubt or potential challenge, of Russia as the rightful successor to the USSR permanent seat on the Security Council. This suited well the weakened major remnant of the former Soviet Union as well as the other permanent members of the Security Council, especially the UK and France, who had good reasons to want to defer indefinitely any reexamination of the Council's composition and powers.     

Trump Gave Them Hope: Studying the Strangers in Their Own Land

This article argues that a set of recent books published in advance of the 2016 U.S. presidential election provides a road map for understanding its outcome and a research agenda for political communication scholars in the years ahead. This article focuses on sociologist Arlie Hochschild’s Strangers in Their Own Land, a field study that documents the roles that identity, narratives, and emotions play in shaping the political beliefs and behavior of White Tea Party supporters. Building on these insights, through an analysis of 123 content analyses published in Political Communication between 2003-2016, we demonstrate gaps in our field and argue that scholarship can grow analytically and empirically by accounting for the findings of these books. We conclude with suggestions for future research into people’s perceptions of identity, group status, deprivation, and political power, as well as the role of media, political actors, and social groups in creating these narratives of American politics.     

‘THE OLD DAYS ARE OVER’:1 IRISH REPUBLICANISM,THE PEACE PROCESS AND THE DISCOURSE OF EQUALITY

This article examines the current role of equality as a key discourse in the language of Sinn Féin. It explores this within the context of the consociational character of the Good Friday Agreement and the discursive nature of Republican ideology. The article argues that mainstream contemporary Republicanism (in the shape of Sinn Féin) is reforging its political agenda and doing so by rearticulating key elements of Republican thought and northern Nationalist political culture. Republicanism has always contained within it radical-universalist and ethnic particularist dimensions. It could be argued that the consociational nature of the Good Friday Agreement has placed a political premium for parties to emphasize their role as ethnic community advocates. The article will suggest that Sinn Féin has been employing the language of equality in order to marry its appeal as a party of communalist leadership with universalized principles. While the rhetoric of Nationalist aspirations remain, this process has ensured that equality has emerged as the meta-discourse for Sinn Féin as it moves away from armed anti-partitionism.     

Diplomacy at the United Nations: The dual agenda of the 1992 security council summit

The Security Council summit meeting of 31 January 1992 was supposed to be a momentous event that would determine the course of the world body and international peace and security in the post‐Cold War era. Despite high expectations, though, the actual meeting did not produce much more than a broadly‐phrased declaration of good intentions. The article examines the hypothesis that the meeting had a dual agenda, with a hidden as well as a public part. It is argued that the main item on the hidden agenda was the confirmation, beyond any doubt or potential challenge, of Russia as the rightful successor to the USSR permanent seat on the Security Council. This suited well the weakened major remnant of the former Soviet Union as well as the other permanent members of the Security Council, especially the UK and France, who had good reasons to want to defer indefinitely any reexamination of the Council's composition and powers.     

Community grain banks and food security of the tribal poor in India

Given the context of failure of many of the programmes aimed at providing food security for tribal communities, this paper deals with the question, can grassroots-level experiments like community grain banks provide food security for the tribal poor? This paper examines the working of community grain banks established by Bapuji Rural Development and Enlightenment Society (BREDS) in India and concludes that community food grain banks demonstrate as an effective mechanism to ensure food security for the tribal poor, especially those who were excluded from the reach of government programmes.

Banques de céréales communautés et sécurité alimentaire des pauvres tribaux en Inde

Étant donné le contexte d’échec de nombre des programmes visant à assurer la sécurité alimentaire des communautés tribales, cet article traite de la question suivante : les expériences au niveau de la base populaire comme les banques de céréales communautaires peuvent-elles assurer la sécurité alimentaire des pauvres tribaux ? Cet article examine le fonctionnement des banques de céréales communautaires établies par la Bapuji Rural Development and Enlightenment Society (BREDS) en Inde et conclut que les banques de céréales alimentaires se révèlent être un mécanisme efficace pour garantir la sécurité alimentaire des pauvres tribaux, en particulier ceux qui ont été exclus de la portée des programmes gouvernementaux.

Bancos comunitarios de granos y seguridad alimentaria de las etnias pobres de India

Tomando en cuenta el contexto de fracaso de muchos programas dirigidos a proporcionar seguridad alimentaria a las comunidades étnicas, el presente artículo plantea la interrogante en torno a si experimentos realizados a nivel de base, como los bancos comunitarios de granos, ofrecen seguridad alimentaria a las etnias pobres. En este sentido, el artículo examina el desarrollo de los bancos comunitarios de granos establecidos por la Sociedad para el Desarrollo y la Iluminación Rural de Bapuji (breds) en India. Las conclusiones indican que dichos bancos constituyen un mecanismo efectivo para garantizar la seguridad alimentaria de las etnias pobres, especialmente de aquellas que habían sido excluidas del alcance de los programas gubernamentales.

Bancos comunitários de grãos e segurança alimentar de comunidades tribais pobres na Índia

Dado o contexto do fracasso de muitos dos programas destinados a oferecer segurança alimentar para as comunidades tribais, este artigo lida com a seguinte questão: experimentos de base, como os bancos comunitários de grãos, fornecem segurança alimentar para as comunidades tribais pobres? Este artigo examina o funcionamento de bancos comunitários de grãos criados pela Bapuji Rural Development and Enlightenment Society (BREDS) na Índia e conclui que os bancos comunitários de grãos de alimentos mostram ser um mecanismo eficiente para garantir a segurança alimentar para as comunidades tribais pobres, especialmente para aquelas que estavam fora do alcance de programas governamentais.     

The G20 and Global Justice: The Potential of Transnational Deliberative Democratic Theory

The G20’s capacity to promote global justice is up for debate. This article contends that the G20 has both problems and possibilities with respect to helping advance global justice. The potential of the G20 to promote global justice stems from its importance as a site for deliberation of policy ideas and its recent efforts to promote greater outreach and engagement with societal interests and states outside its narrow membership. Ultimately, G20 policy discussions could be more effective if its processes were more deliberative and better considered questions of justice and the perspectives of people affected by its decisions. The article utilises a transnational application of deliberative democracy theory to outline this potential. It attempts to identify this potential by drawing a practical balance between the normative importance of justice and the contemporary reality of the G20’s purpose and function.     

HIV/AIDS prevention: building on community strengths in Ajegunle,Lagos

This paper builds upon field research in Ajegunle, Nigeria, which suggests that effective HIV/AIDS prevention requires a much higher degree of independent community participation. In exploring ways to achieve this, we suggest that assessing community strengths provides positive scope for understanding and utilising a much wider variety of HIV/AIDS responses which have not been previously used in the context of community development. Community-based approaches also encourage a deeper understanding of locally-specific vulnerability issues that surround HIV and AIDS. Such initiatives can be linked to trends that value the knowledge and capacities of neglected local people and build on their resources, including their networks, relationships and trust. However, the connection to, and use of, the resources of international NGOs (INGOs) remain central to success. If an interactive community-based agenda of working with local level resources receives enough acceptance at the higher levels of the INGOs, the results could be very significant. Such international/local agreements, where INGOs seek to work more closely with local community groups and their people on shared agendas, could begin to tackle some of the key structural issues, especially conflict and poverty, that exacerbate HIV/AIDS at the grassroots and are not responsive to purely medical solutions.

Prévention du VIH/sida: développer les points forts des communautés à Ajegunle, Lagos

Ce document se base sur des recherches menées sur le terrain à Ajegunle, au Nigeria, qui suggèrent que, pour être efficace, la prévention du VIH et du sida requiert un degré beaucoup plus élevé de participation communautaire indépendante. Dans le cadre d'une étude des manières d'arriver à ce résultat, nous suggérons qu'une évaluation des points forts de la communauté donne des perspectives positives pour la compréhension et l'utilisation d'une variété beaucoup plus importante d'interventions en matière de VIH/sida qui n'ont pas été précédemment lancées dans le contexte du développement communautaire. Les approches fondées sur les communautés encouragent par ailleurs une compréhension plus profonde des questions de vulnérabilité propres au niveau local autour du VIH et du sida. Les initiatives de ce type peuvent être reliées à des tendances qui accordent une importance aux connaissances et aux capacités des populations locales délaissées et qui se basent sur leurs ressources, y compris leurs réseaux, leurs relations et leur confiance. Cependant, la connexion avec les ressources des ONG internationales (ONGI) et leur utilisation restent essentielles pour le succès. Si un ordre du jour interactif fondé sur les communautés du travail avec les ressources locales reçoit une acceptation suffisante aux échelons plus élevés des ONGI, les résultats pourraient être très considérables. Les accords internationaux/locaux de ce type, dans le cadre desquels les ONGI cherchent à travailler en plus étroite collaboration avec les groupes communautaires locaux et leurs membres sur des ordres du jour partagés, pourraient commencer à remédier à des problèmes structurels clés, en particulier les conflits et la pauvreté, qui ont pour effet d'exacerber le VIH/le sida au niveau de la base populaire et ne peuvent pas être résolus par des moyens purement médicaux.

Prevenção do HIV/AIDS: aproveitando os pontos fortes da comunidade em Ajegunie, Lagos

Este artigo baseia-se em uma pesquisa de campo em Ajegunle, Nigéria, que sugere que a prevenção efetiva do HIV/AIDS exige um grau muito maior de participação da comunidade independente. Ao explorar maneiras para se alcançar isto, sugerimos que avaliar os pontos fortes da comunidade oferece um escopo positivo para se compreender e utilizar uma variedade muito mais ampla de respostas ao HIV/AIDS que não foram utilizadas anteriormente no contexto de desenvolvimento da comunidade. Abordagens baseadas na comunidade também incentivam uma compreensão mais profunda de questões de vulnerabilidade localmente específica que cercam o HIV e AIDS. Tais iniciativas podem ser conectadas a tendências que valorizam o conhecimento e a capacidade de pessoas locais negligenciadas e aproveitar seus recursos, inclusive suas redes de trabalho, relacionamentos e confiança. Porém, a conexão com recursos de ONGs Internacionais (ONGIs) e o uso deles permanecem centrais para o sucesso. Se uma agenda de trabalho interativa baseada na comunidade com recursos no âmbito local obtém aceitação suficiente nos níveis mais altos das ONGIs, os resultados podem ser muito significativos. Tais acordos internacionais/locais, em que ONGIs buscam trabalhar de maneira mais próxima com grupos da comunidade local e suas pessoas em agendas compartilhadas, poderiam começar a lidar com algumas das questões estruturais centrais, especialmente conflito e pobreza, que agravam o HIV/AIDS na base e não são suscetíveis a soluções puramente médicas.

La prevención del VIH/SIDA: confiando en las fortalezas de la comunidad. Una experiencia en Ajegunie, Lagos

Este ensayo se centra en una investigación de campo realizada en Ajegunle, Nigeria, la cual demostró que para conseguir una prevención efectiva del VIH/SIDA se requiere de una profunda e independiente participación comunitaria. En su investigación sobre cómo lograr este objetivo, los autores sugieren que valorar las fortalezas comunitarias puede ser una base sólida para concebir y utilizar una gama de respuestas ante el VIH/SIDA más amplia de la que hasta ahora se aplica en el contexto del desarrollo comunitario. Los métodos basados en la comunidad también contribuyen a que se entiendan mejor las vulnerabilidades específicas y locales ante el VIH/SIDA. Estas iniciativas pueden contribuir a valorar más los hasta ahora ignorados conocimientos y capacidades de las personas locales, los cuales se basan en sus recursos propios como sus redes, sus relaciones sociales y su confianza. Sin embargo, el acceso a, y el uso de, los recursos de las ONG internacionales (ONGI) siguen siendo factores importantes para lograr el éxito. Si las directivas de las ONGI consideraran una agenda de trabajo interactiva con las comunidades utilizando los recursos locales, los resultados podrían ser muy significativos. Con este tipo de acuerdos internacionales/locales en los que las ONGI intentan trabajar más estrechamente con los grupos comunitarios y las personas a nivel local compartiendo estrategias, podrían comenzar a atajarse algunos de los principales problemas estructurales, en especial en situaciones de conflicto y pobreza, que agravan el VIH/SIDA entre personas de la base y que no pueden resolverse únicamente con soluciones médicas.     

“The Human Factor”: French–West German Bilateralism and the “Logic of Appropriateness” in the European Crisis of the Mid-1960s

This analysis reviews a crucial moment in the contemporary political and constitutional history of Western Europe. Prior to the “empty chair crisis” in 1965–1966, an important Franco–West German summit had failed and allowed the French president, Charles De Gaulle, to jeopardise negotiations in the European Economic Community. This analysis not only illustrates the overwhelming importance of Franco–West German bilateralism in the prelude to the crisis, but also analyses the negotiating behaviours of De Gaulle and West German Chancellor Ludwig Erhard at the summit of 11–12 June 1965. Contrary to conventional wisdom, Erhard, rather than the allegedly anti-European De Gaulle, doomed the negotiations. Furthermore, this study draws pragmatically on social institutionalism and constructivism to shed light on Erhard’s mental map and identify the relevant considerations in his decision-making and bargaining. Rational choice approaches fail to explain the “human factor” in Erhard’s negotiating behaviour and the mysterious breakdown of Franco–West German entente in summer 1965.     

“They don't garden here”: NGO constructions of Maya gardening practices in Belize

Communities in southern Belize have among the poorest health outcomes in the region, including high rates of under-nutrition. In response, an NGO school garden programme has been initiated to improve health and nutrition. An analysis of the programme as it relates to home garden practices and diet in two Q'eqchi' Maya communities illustrates the complexity of challenges faced by NGOs. Most notable are issues of legitimacy, cultural appropriateness, self-interest, and constructed conceptions of their target communities, all of which raise the question of what is more important: autonomous and healthy communities or the preservation of the NGO programme?

« Ils ne font pas de jardinage, ici » : constructions d'une ONG des pratiques de jardinage mayas au Belize

Les communautés du sud du Belize affichent certains des pires résultats de la région en matière de santé, y compris un taux élevé de sous-nutrition. Pour remédier à cette situation, un programme de potagers scolaires mené par une ONG a été lancé pour améliorer la santé et la nutrition. Une analyse du programme du point de vue de ses liens avec les pratiques de culture de potagers familiaux et le régime de deux communautés mayas Q'eqchi’ illustre la complexité des défis auxquels sont confrontés les ONG. Les questions les plus notables sont celles de la légitimité, du caractère approprié sur le plan culturel, de l'intérêt propre, et des conceptions construites de leurs communautés cibles, autant de questions qui soulèvent celle de savoir ce qui est plus important : des communautés autonomes et en bonne santé ou la préservation du programme de l'ONG?

“Aquí no realizan jardinería”: construcciones de ong en torno a las prácticas de jardinería de los indígenas mayas de Belice

Las comunidades del sur de Belice muestran algunos de los peores resultados de salud en la región, entre los que se incluye una alta tasa de desnutrición. Con el objetivo de mejorar la salud y de combatir la desnutrición, varias ong impulsaron un programa de jardines escolares. Una evaluación del programa en torno a las prácticas de jardinería en el hogar y a la dieta de dos comunidades maya q'eqchi’, ilustra la complejidad de los retos enfrentados por las ong. Entre los más destacados se encuentran temas de legitimidad, de idoneidad cultural, de interés egoísta y de conceptos construidos por las ong respecto a sus comunidades destinatarias. Estos retos provocan la reflexión en relación a si es preferible tener comunidades autónomas y sanas o conservar programas de ong.

“Eles não cultivam hortas aqui”: promoção de práticas maias de jardinagem por uma ONG em Belize

Comunidades do sul de Belize estão entre as que possuem os mais baixos indicadores de saúde da região, incluindo altas taxas de desnutrição. Em resposta ao problema, um programa de horta escolar de uma ONG foi criado para melhorar a saúde e nutrição. Uma análise do programa no que se refere a práticas de cultivo de horta doméstica e dieta em duas comunidades maias de Q'eqchi ilustra a complexidade dos desafios enfrentados pelas ONGs. Os pontos que mais chamam atenção são as questões de legitimidade, adequação cultural, interesse próprio e concepções construídas sobre suas comunidades-alvo. Tudo isso suscita a questão sobre o que é mais importante: comunidades autônomas e saudáveis ou a preservação do programa de ONG?