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1.
马贺 《犯罪研究》2010,(5):102-108
从《马斯特里赫特条约》到《里斯本条约》,随着一体化进程的不断发展,欧盟逐步加强了对内部区域刑事合作的影响。但是,这种变化的"代价"则分别体现为:成员国全体一致的决策机制、"框架决定"立法中的"民主赤字",以及成员国利用"紧急刹车"条款以规避关乎其切身利益的敏感立法的适用等。本文重点探讨这些制度缺陷,进而评析欧盟在相关问题上的对策。  相似文献   

2.
平行进口是欧洲法院面临的一个棘手问题 ,欧洲共同体各成员国国内知识产权立法上的差异导致商品自由流动出现障碍 ,知识产权人利用国内立法通过协议或采取统一行为限制知识产权产品进入特定的市场 ,保护自己的利益 ,减少商业风险 ,避免竞争 ,实际上分割了市场 ,导致了包含在商品中的权利用尽。商品必须处于自由流通的状态 ,任何阻碍商品自由流动 ,影响成员国贸易的行为都是违反欧洲共同体条约第 81条的反竞争行为  相似文献   

3.
This contribution argues that the particular relevance of informal circles of ministers lies in their ability to routinise and communise the process of the interpretation of constitutional norms at the intergovernmental level. The informal setting triggers a particular mode of interaction—deliberative intergovernmentalism. In the case of economic policy coordination among the euro–zone countries, which is analysed in this article, this interaction produces common standards for the assessment of the economic situation in the member states and guidelines on appropriate policy responses in particular budgetary and economic situations. In a situation, in which there is growing need for closer policy coordination but European Union member states are reluctant to transfer further decision–making competences to the supranational level, the mediation between diverging interpretations of the rather 'thin' formal constitutional norms governing the coordination process is crucial in order to ensure the overall stability of the coordination framework. Informal circles of ministers can therefore be a way out of the current institutional dilemmas arising from the attitude of national governments to move towards new areas of common engagement while being increasingly reluctant to transfer further formal decision–making competences to the supranational level.  相似文献   

4.
Since the introduction of the co‐decision procedure by way of the Maastricht Treaty, the procedure has been transformed considerably. One of the most striking innovations is the possibility to adopt a legislative act in first reading. This article aims to answer the questions whether the increasing use of this fast track procedure is in line with Treaty provisions and/or intra/inter‐institutional rules, and what the effects are of these stipulations. The empirical findings presented in this study indicate that two reasons for taking the fast track gain dominance in the practical political process, ie the political priorities of the Council and European Parliament (EP) and whether these actors consider a legislative file as urgent. From a study of two directives, it becomes clear that this dominance of factors has consequences for the type of early agreement reached (first or early second), the quality of the adopted legislation and its implementation at the national level.  相似文献   

5.
The EU has an established history of public enforcement concerning antitrust infringements under what are now Articles 101 and 102 of the Treaty of the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU). Yet, until recently, this has not been true in respect of private compensatory damages actions in relation to the said articles. Hence, these actions are now seen as reinforcing the existing deterrent provided by pubic enforcement fines. This paper focuses upon the ongoing sea change that aims to enable and encourage compensatory damages claims in relation to harm caused by breaches of 101 and 102 TFEU. It reveals that both the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) and the European Commission have played pioneering roles in advancing this sea change. It further asserts that, although the rulings of the CJEU have created a hybrid architecture that makes possible private actions in relation to the said breaches under Member state procedural laws before national courts, the architecture itself is problematic as it fails to guarantee that Member states’ procedural rules have a high degree of uniformity, thereby failing to guarantee a regulatory level playing field across the Union concerning the said damages actions. Moreover, not only is the architecture problematic, but it needed further development in respect of rules and requirements in several key areas, such as the right of evidential disclosure, the limitation period issue, collective redress and the quantification of harm, so as to facilitate and encourage claims. The Commission was aware of these concerns, and this paper explores its response. The issues could have been addressed by the establishment of a set of EU procedural rules which national courts would apply in the said actions but the Commission decided upon a different way forward. Working with the said hybrid architecture, and through the vehicle of the 2014 Directive on certain rules governing actions for damages under national law for infringements of the competition law provisions of the Member States and of the European Union, the Commission has amended and created rules and requirements which will form part of Member states’ domestic procedural law—and therefore will be applied by national courts—in order to establish a more level regulatory playing field across the Union which should facilitate and encourage private compensatory damages actions for harm caused by EU antitrust breaches. Of course, a more level playing field means that differences will still remain. Moreover, it will be some time before the success of the Directive can be gauged, and further measures may be required in the future.  相似文献   

6.
As highlighted in the economic literature, contracts are crucial policy instruments to organize and manage restructured electricity markets. In the early 90’s, during the restructuring of the electricity market in UK, the three main Scottish electricity generators stipulated a long-term, “take-or-pay” contract, the Nuclear Energy Agreement, which contained provisions for the trade of wholesale electricity in Scotland.The European Commission scrutinized such contract in order to derive the congruity of the agreement to European laws. Whilst the NEA was awarded an exemption under Article 85, paragraph 3 of the EU Treaty, the Commission recognized the inner anticompetitive content and potential effects of the contract.In this paper, we criticize the Commission NEA decision and economic reasoning and provide an alternative reading and analytical approach, which lead to opposite results and conclusions (the NEA contract is not anticompetitive and it enhances efficiency in competitive electricity markets). Given that the restructuring process in the EU electricity market is still in fieri, we select the NEA contract as a benchmark-case, in order to provide an alternative reading and a case-study for eventual, future energy contracts administration and authority decisions.JEL K, K2, K230  相似文献   

7.
This paper investigates the effect of the social willingness to comply with the law on driver behavior and traffic fatalities. We analyze a panel of 15 European Union states for 1996–2002, a period for which consistent attitudinal data are available. Using corruption indices, we find that the social willingness to comply with the law has significant positive effects on traffic fatalities with an elasticity estimated between −0.207 and −0.217. Other significant factors are traffic exposure, economic growth, speed, and alcohol consumption. We also find that, whatever benefits laws produce, differences in national traffic rules do not explain divergences in road safety. This result seems to indicate that willingness to comply matters more than legal specificity.  相似文献   

8.
The Lisbon Treaty was supposed to mark the end of an almost‐decade‐long period of treaty reform. After the tumult of the failed Constitutional Treaty, the settlement it imposed struck a sustainable balance between the competing forces of centralisation and the diffusion that characterise European integration. Yet this constitutional settlement is now threatened by the Eurozone debt crisis and official responses to it, most notably the proposed fiscal compact. A prevalent view regards the crisis as an opportunity to complete the process of political and economic union that the Maastricht Treaty began. However, this article cautions against such a view, which would jettison the post‐Lisbon Treaty constitutional settlement in favour a peculiar kind of German‐led, intergovernmental centralisation. Whether the crisis response measures achieve their stated aims remains to be seen, but the integration project will be reconfigured in the process. Thus, EU constitutionalism is bound to remain in a state of flux.  相似文献   

9.
The judgments of the European Court of Justice (ECJ) of December 2008 in Viking and Laval on the compatibility of national collective labour law with European prerogatives have caused quite a heated critical debate. This article seeks to put this debate in constitutional perspectives. In its first part, it reconstructs in legal categories what Fritz W. Scharpf has characterised as a decoupling of economic integration from the various welfare traditions of the Member States. European constitutionalism, it is submitted, is bound to respond to this problématique. The second part develops a perspective within which such a response can be found. That perspective is a supranational European conflict of laws which seeks to realise what the draft Constitutional Treaty had called the 'motto of the union': unitas in pluralitate. Within that framework, the third part analyses two seemingly contradictory trends, namely, first, albeit very briefly, the turn to 'soft' modes of governance in the realm of social policy and then, in much greater detail, the ECJ's 'hard' interpretations of the supremacy of European freedoms and its strict interpretation of pertinent secondary legislation. The conflict-of-laws approach would suggest a greater respect for national autonomy, in particular, in view of the limited EU competences in the field of labour law.  相似文献   

10.
Making a first sketch of philosophical issues arising fromEuropean Community law I want to present a series ofmore or less obvious, and more or less interrelated dilemmas,or even double binds.(i) Deepening the community becomes incompatible withwidening membership. (ii) National states seem bothnecessary for and obstructive in articulating transnationalproblems. (iii) The more democracy is needed as a warrantfor the public exercise of political power in Europe, themore the very concept of democracy on a European scaleevades understanding. (iv) European unity presupposes aunifying rule of law, while member states have radicallydifferent conceptions of this principle. (v) Even the verycore of European integration, the common market, is subjectto two conflicting and, indeed, incompatible doctrines ofcompetition. In explaining the nature of each dilemma I willtry to take my cue from the Maastricht Treaty wherever thisseems suitable. Then I will elaborate on the jurisprudentialproblems involved in it. Finally, each section will be closedby an attempt to state the nature of these problems inphilosophical terms.  相似文献   

11.
对艺术伪造的理解在德国有广义和狭义之分.广义的艺术伪造包括艺术模仿、艺术篡改和艺术诈骗.狭义的艺术伪造则与广义的艺术伪造中的艺术诈骗是一致的,都与被署名人的作品无关.不过,从德国法律适用的角度看,艺术伪造主要分为两类:一类是与被署名人作品无关的艺术伪造;另一类则是与被署名人作品有关的艺术伪造.对前者的认定不是依据德国著作权法,而是依据其他法律;对后者的认定则是依据德国著作权法,同时德国刑法有关规定对此亦可适用.与我国法相比,德国著作权法更强调以作品存在为前提来保护作者的著作权.另外,对与被署名人作品有关的艺术伪造的规制,德国法律严于我国.  相似文献   

12.
EMU represented an important change in the economic constitution of the European Union. It is, to a large extent, a culmination of a process of Franco-German reconciliation and understanding. However, in the postwar period, there were significant differences in thought and economic policy-making in Germany and France. France was dominated by the tradition républicaine, giving a central role to the state in economic life. In Germany, the federal structure of the state went together with the social market economy. In this paper an analysis is presented of these differences in thought and economic policy-making, how they evolved through time, and how they contributed to shaping the nature and economic constitution of the European Union. The focus of the paper is on the Rome Treaties, the Werner Report and the Maastricht Treaty process.  相似文献   

13.
《欧盟宪法条约》框架下的欧盟机构改革   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
2004年 10月,欧盟各成员国在罗马签署了《欧盟宪法条约》,这标志着欧盟政治一体化进入了一个崭新的阶段。该条约涉及欧盟政治与经济生活的方方面面,其中最令人关注的莫过于其对欧盟机构体系所进行的改革。《欧盟宪法条约》对欧盟机构体系改革规定了诸多内容,但改革中仍存不足。  相似文献   

14.
Abstract: European judicial cooperation in criminal matters has its origins under Title VI as part of the Third Pillar (JHA) of the Treaty on European Union, signed on 7 February 1992 in Maastricht. Nevertheless, there have been important amendments to this Treaty and to the contents of the Justice and Home Affairs policy through the Treaty of Amsterdam and the Treaty of Nice (the latter in force since last February), such as, for example, the introduction of the European Prosecutors Cooperation Unit (‘Eurojust’). This brief study is concerned with these innovations as well as some legal instruments in the field of criminal judicial cooperation, in particular extradition, mutual recognition of judicial decisions, mutual assistance in criminal matters and the European arrest warrant which are considered as the most relevant.  相似文献   

15.
My objectives in this paper are to try and identify the range of challenges that now confront critical criminologists who work in, and are attentive to, the “new Europe” whose construction was so clearly signalled by the Maastricht Treaty (the Treaty on European Union) of 1993. I want to concentrate here on two issues — firstly, the challenge of situating the work of criminology in relation to the process of political union (and enlargement) of the European Union, and, secondly, the articulation of an agenda of work for critical criminology, that derives, from an understanding of this broader context. This revised version was published online in July 2006 with corrections to the Cover Date.  相似文献   

16.
Abstract: The paper aims at describing the current status of European social law, by examining different sources. These include the most recent directives; the Protocol attached to the Maastricht Treaty; the Commission's latest White papers on social policies and on economic growth and unemployment; and the case law of the European Court of Justice. In such a variegated legal landscape, a significant role could be played by non-binding measures; the notion of soft law is slowly acquiring its own dignity in European social law and is emerging for open interpretation. Yet, European labour law houses a fragile body of norms. The spreading of social values would become a tangible prospect if the potential of the multiple sources here examined were better exploited by all actors. Although a coherent legal structure is still to come, a legal culture is being created which should be strengthened through action by all Community institutions.  相似文献   

17.
国际经济格局的深刻变化引发了美欧印中等主要贸易体贸易政策的变化.这种变化主要体现为其外贸法、外资法和出口管制法的修改,而国际习惯法和国际经济条约对这种修改的约束有限.美欧印中的代表性国际经济法理论分别为"制度管理说"、"规范承诺说"、"贸易民主论"和"责任共担论",这些理论反映了各贸易体的国际经济法传统和理念.以这些理...  相似文献   

18.
寻找WTO法中的比例原则   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
韩秀丽 《现代法学》2005,27(4):179-188
虽然国内外学者公认非歧视、透明度及自由化原则是WTO法的基本原则,但对WTO法基本原则的范围及其适用并没有达成一致,而这其中一个最大的争议就是欧洲大陆学者所主张的比例原则是否是WTO法的原则。美国政府及学者对此一般都持反对态度。中国学者研究这一涉及国际法基本理论问题的人还比较少,通过寻找WTO法律文本中体现比例原则的规定和WTO争端解决机构裁决中对这些规定的应用和分析,证明比例原则在WTO法中确实存在,它不但可以在平衡不同的政策目标,削减贸易壁垒及限制贸易报复水平方面起重要作用,而且作为一个工具性原则能起到其它原则起不到的作用。比例原则应该成为约束成员方政府行为及指导WTO法发展的基本原则。  相似文献   

19.
蔡高强  刘健 《河北法学》2004,22(4):116-119
欧盟法主要由欧盟与成员国签订的基础性条约、欧盟与第三国或国际组织签订的条约和欧盟通过的条例、指令和决定组成。在欧盟内部,欧盟法可以直接适用,具有直接效力,并处于优先地位。欧盟法与成员国法的关系既不同于国际法和国内法关系,也不同于联邦法与成员邦法的关系。欧盟成员国各自适用欧盟法的实践,反映了欧盟法独特的适用方式,表明国际法日益得到普遍的尊重与遵守,主权国家自觉灵活适用国际法以维护国家利益,国际组织在国际法国内适用方面发挥重要作用。这是对现代国际法的丰富与发展。  相似文献   

20.
This essay reviews Trade Protection in the United States (Aldershot, UK: Edward Elgar Publishing Ltd., 1995) by Charles K. Rowley, Willem Thorbecke and Richard E. Wagner. The book stimulates a radical rethinking of trade policy, with results that are applicable well beyond the political framework of the United States. The authors—all advocates of the Virginia public choice school of thought—provide a lucid explanation of the formation of trade policy and systematically explain the many paradoxes of endogenous policymaking. They assess the main players in the process of trade policy formation and rigorously explain the dynamic interaction of the various political organs involved. The authors conclude that unilateral free trade cannot be achieved through the ordinary legislative process, and make a compelling case for Constitutional reform. Given the fragility of free trade equilibria and the inadequacy of bilateral and multilateral trade treaties for a stable free trade environment, the right to trade should be constitutionally guaranteed as an individual right. Considering the relevance of the authors' conclusions in this phase of consolidation of European trade policymaking, this essay examines the proposed unilateral free trade amendment, addresses the game theoretic implications, in light of viable alternatives.  相似文献   

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