两岸特色民间社会融合问题研究

两岸社会融合的核心在于认同.长期以来,两岸不但在政治、经济、社会、文化等制度上存在重大差异,而且在意识形态领域的分歧也相当明显,两岸按照各自的运转逻辑,分别发展出适合自身特色的社会发展模式.在当前两岸关系和平发展的新时期,随着两岸在人员、物质、技术及信息等领域的流通加速,两岸民间社会的融合进程也不断加强,建构一个具有鲜明两岸特色的两岸民间社会融合模式被提上议事日程.本文借用跨境主义理论作为分析框架,在分析两岸社会融合现状的基础上,分别就两岸社会融合的困境、特征以及基本模式等方面进行了深入分析.     

两岸社会整合理论:内涵、机制与实现路径

融合发展是新时代两岸关系发展的关键主题之一,两岸社会整合则是融合发展的重要内容。基于对社会整合理论脉络的梳理,探究两岸社会融合发展的学理基础具有重要理论和实践意义。笔者认为,维持和再造共同体,追求更加美好的社会是社会整合理论的核心内涵;价值共同体和实体共同体是两岸社会整合内在的要求。互鉴互赏的交流整合机制,发展共享的利益整合机制,包容式参与整合机制,增加“共同性、同一性”的沟通交往整合机制,法律、法规、政策等制度整合机制,以及规避“台独”风险的控制机制是两岸社会整合六大重要机制。与此相对应,利益整合路径、文化整合路径、制度整合路径、民间社会整合路径是两岸社会整合四大基础路径。两岸社会整合机制和路径的探究为更加全面、系统推进两岸社会融合发展实践提供了理论指引。     

Taiwan's Expansion of International Space: opportunities and challenges

While much is to be celebrated since Taiwan President Ma Ying-jeou's inauguration in 2008, cross-Strait relations are not without challenges. One such crucial test is Ma's call for Chinese leaders to stop isolating Taipei in the world community and give Taiwan adequate ‘international space’. Because the issue strikes at the heart of the fundamental differences between Taipei's and Beijing's positions regarding the island's sovereignty, it needs to be handled carefully by both governments for better cross-Strait relations. This study analyzes the approaches adopted by both Beijing and Taipei regarding Taiwan's status in the international community. Utilizing discussion with Chinese scholars and government officials and the analysis of several waves of survey data conducted in Taiwan, it argues that Beijing's flexibility in its application of the ‘one China’ principle and the Ma administration's practicality in making its requests are critical to the realization of Taipei's demand for international space and hence cross-Strait stability.     

海峡两岸“第三主体”的建构

两岸政治定位的困境在于“一个中国原则”与“中华民国是主权独立国家”之间无法调和的结构性矛盾.国际关系中的建构主义理论对于两岸关系研究具有积极的启发意义.两岸同胞共同缔造的统一的中国不同于现阶段两岸各自认同的政治主体,可以称之为“第三主体”.两岸统一的过程也就是两岸同胞共同建构“第三主体”的过程.     

美国强势推动TPP及对两岸关系的影响

2008年以来,作为“再平衡”战略的重要部署,美国高调主导并强势推动TPP,对两岸关系产生了重要影响.TPP成为美国对两岸关系施加影响的新切入点,对两岸的制度性经济合作造成直接冲击,也可能成为“台独”势力操弄影响岛内政治认同的新手段,给两岸务实解决台湾“国际空间”问题增添变数.大陆方面应该做好具有前瞻性的理论准备、政策研究和行动方案,为两岸关系和平发展以及中国的和平崛起“保驾护航”.     

Sino-US and Cross-Strait Relations under the Post-'11 September' Strategic Settings

Sino-US relations and cross-Strait relations are always interrelated and so is the US policy towards cross-Strait relations. The United States has taken its global strategic and fundamental national interests as points of departure. The Bush Administration has undergone a cycle of being tough towards China and titling towards Taiwan first and then readjusting towards the middle ground. There are many reasons to explain this change and the events of 11 September stand out very prominently. This change once again proves that once the US put strategic consideration first it will take all the necessary steps to ensure that the Taiwan issue should not be a damaging and/or diverting factor. However, there still exist fundamental differences over the Taiwan issue and the Bush Administration's military-to-military relations with and arms sales to Taiwan are matters of great concern.     

Political Economy of Cross-Strait Relations: is Beijing’s patronage policy on Taiwanese business sustainable?

Via quantitative analysis and interviews, this article examines the credibility and sustainability of Beijing’s patronage policy towards Taiwanese business. The new finding is that the rise of economic nationalism and local protectionism in China is undermining and constraining Beijing’s patronage policy. Consequently, China’s rising economy does not deepen cross-Strait integration but rather crowds out Taiwanese business. Moreover, considering the growing influence of Chinese domestic constraints, this article attempts to provide a bilateral two-level game to grasp the new dynamics on cross-Strait relations under the new normal.     

论新时代两岸关系学术话语体系的构建与创新——以厦门大学师生的台湾研究成果为例

面对日益复杂严峻的台海局势,我们亟须以习近平总书记对台重要论述为指导,构建和创新“以我为主、对我有利、为我所用”的新时代两岸关系学术话语体系。必须思考如何打破西方的“话语垄断”和“话语霸权”,揭露台湾当局的“话语扭曲”和“话语抹黑”,体现新时代的“中国特色、中国风格、中国气派”。新时代两岸关系学术话语体系应该具有时代性、政策性、理论性、开放性、包容性等特点,进行包括追求国家统一正当性、遏制“台独”分裂必要性、延续和平发展重要性、深化融合发展必然性、反对外部干涉合理性等内容的话语构建。新时代两岸关系话语体系建设路径,至少包括两岸关系的理论体系、学科体系和传播体系三个子系统的建设。厦门大学师生的台湾研究成果为两岸关系学术话语体系建设作出了积极努力,本文以他们的部分研究成果为例加以阐述,以纪念厦门大学百年校庆。     

The Taiwan Problem in the Second George W. Bush Administration—US officials' views and their implications for US policy

The behavior of Taiwan leaders and people in 2003–2004 raised the salience of Taiwan's assertive movement toward permanent independence for US policy makers. No longer did US officials responsible for assessing cross-Strait relations and their implications for US policy take it for granted that such assertiveness and moves toward independence would be held in check by the mainstream opinion in Taiwan, previously but no longer viewed as pragmatic by US decision makers. In response to the new situation, US policy makers intervened in Taiwan politics, trying to channel Taiwan assertiveness along lines less likely to lead to war with China. US interventions were widely seen to have had a moderating effect on the Taiwan elite and public opinion in the lead-up to the December 2004 legislative election that resulted in a significant setback for President Chen Shui-bian's push toward greater independence. Taiwan's political opposition leaders pursued high-level contacts with China. Chinese leaders warmly welcomed the Taiwan opposition leaders who renounced Taiwan independence. However, Taiwan politics remained sharply divided over cross-Strait issues, with President Chen unwilling to renounce Taiwan independence or accept a version of the so-called one China principle seen by China as a prerequisite for improved relations with the Taiwan government. President Bush and other US officials encouraged both governments to show greater flexibility in order to promote dialogue that would reduce misunderstanding and ease tensions. The uncertain outlook for cross-Strait relations included the possibility of talks, improved relations, and agreements on managing cross-Strait tensions between the Taiwan and Chinese governments. On the other hand, the impasse between China and Taiwan could deepen. The Bush administration appeared to have settled on a policy that endeavored to deter China from using force against Taiwan and deter Taiwan from taking provocative steps toward independence. The main alternatives to this approach seemed less acceptable to US policy makers under prevailing conditions, suggesting that US policy is likely to persist with a dual deterrence policy for the rest of President Bush's term in office.     

Explaining Change and Stability in Cross-Strait Relations: a punctuated equilibrium model

Relations across the Taiwan Strait have experienced several cycles over the last 60 years. Tension and crisis seem to come and go, followed by periods of peace and stability. What explains the cyclical pattern of change and stability? How can we explain the sources of change and stability in the relationship? This article examines the last 60 years of cross-Strait relations in light of an interpretative framework of ‘punctuated equilibrium’. Cross-Strait relations are complex, consisting of actors at the domestic, cross-Strait, and international levels. With a high degree of economic interaction, the cross-Strait relationship can be characterized as economic integration cum political impasse. This article analyzes the cyclical changes through three causal factors: (a) the role of issue cycles in cross-Strait relations; (b) the impulsive drivers for change; and (c) the structural constraints dampening change.     

从“主权”与“治权”的话语透视两岸关系

1992年台湾单方面提出“主权及于整个中国”、“治权仅及于台澎金马”的话语表述以来,尽管大陆方面至今从未接受关于“治权”的表述,但“主权”与“治权”的研究确已成为两岸共同关注的领域.本文以二者关系为视角,分析了影响两岸关系的若干政治主张,并重点考察“一中框架”论对处理“主权”与“治权”话语的启示,从而透视两岸关系的发展脉络.     

Securing Economic Relations Across the Taiwan Straits: New challenges and opportunities

Cross-Taiwan Straits economic interaction is a political as well as an economic issue. General trends of economic interdependence and globalization that are weakening the role of the nation state should promote a focus of shared 'civilian governance' between Taiwan and mainland China. WTO entry will provide opportunities as well as challenges for cross-Strait economic relations. In anticipation of this dynamic, the new government in Taiwan is attempting to design a new national security web to guarantee Taiwan's 'economic security' in coping with Taiwan's increasing economic dependence on mainland China. As one key agent of globalization, economic cooperation in the urban areas on both sides of the Taiwan Strait may potentially improve relations between Taiwan and mainland China. As decentralization and privatization on mainland China proceed, major cities have developed closer interaction and systems of accountability with the civil society. From a prudent perspective, developing functional cooperation between Taiwan and mainland China at the urban level could be a first substantial step to confidence building between these two economies.     

两岸非传统安全合作的SWOT分析与策略

随着两岸关系的改善和两岸民间交流加速发展,增进了两岸彼此了解,建立与巩固了两岸互信,却也衍生了非传统安全因素,如跨境犯罪、传染疾病和食品安全等对两岸关系的影响.出于两岸非传统安全问题的多元性、跨界性和议题主导性,在其解决上,更体现了两岸合作的重要性.本文采用SWOT方法对两岸非传统安全合作的优势、劣势、机会和威胁进行分析,剖析了两岸非传统安全合作的现状、不足和未来发展趋势,并提出相应的策略.     

Taiwan's New Grand Strategy

Since Ma Ying-jeou assumed the presidency, Taiwan's relations with Mainland China have been profoundly transformed. This article uses the perspective of a grand strategy to interpret and explain Taiwan's new approach to cross-Strait relations. It suggests that Ma's government has adopted a grand strategy of accommodation that uses assurances, confidence building, and economic integration to enhance Taiwan's security. This new grand strategy has both ideational and materialist roots. The article also assesses the preliminary results of Taiwan's new security approach and its future sustainability.     

Beyond Power Politics: institution-building and Mainland China's Taiwan policy transition

Facing the ever-growing interdependence across the Taiwan Strait, Mainland China's strategy towards Taiwan is undergoing a profound change, that is, transcending the staunch realpolitik mentality and turning to an institutional arrangement in policy making. Especially since President Hu Jintao took up his position, the Mainland has endeavored to improve cross-Strait relations through the institutionalization of a series of sensitive issues, such as the proposals and signatures of some long-term accords aiming to advocate economic cooperation, promote social exchanges, weaken political opposition and foster mutual trust. By taking the Mainland's national development strategy shift, Taiwan's domestic reality and ‘institution deficit’ in cross-Strait relations into consideration, this paper analyzes the reasons, efforts and features of the Mainland's recent institutional-orientated policy transition.     

台湾研究交叉学科建设的现状与前景--从“台湾学”的理论建构谈起

台湾问题与两岸关系的学术研究,经过两岸学术界几十年的努力,在学科建设方面已经打下坚实的基础,组建台湾研究交叉学科——“台湾学”的条件趋于成熟。厦门大学台湾研究院在这一领域的知识理论体系建构和组织体系建制方面做出许多有益的尝试,提出了“厦大方案”。希望两岸学术界继续努力,为台湾研究交叉学科建设做出新的贡献。     

“马恩关系问题”视域中的马克思主义哲学——兼评特雷尔·卡弗《马克思与恩格斯:学术思想关系》

马克思和恩格斯的学术思想关系是近年来国内马克思主义哲学研究的热点问题之一.审视这一研究中的解释学视角,深入分析围绕"马恩关系问题"所展开的争论,对于完整准确地理解马克思主义哲学,推进当代马克思主义哲学的创新发展,具有重要的理论和现实意义.     

国内外学界关于1949-1978年两岸关系的研究综述

台湾问题是中国的内政问题，1949年新中国成立以来，中国共产党与中国国民党围绕台湾问题进行了长达30年的武力对峙。在新中国成立的第一个30年内，对台政策是中国政府内政、外交生活的重要主题之一。数十年来，国内外学者对这一时期的两岸关系、对台政策、中美关系等进行了较为深人、丰富、细致的研究，为改革开放新时期“一国两制、和平统一”政策的出台，奠定了思想、政治和理论基础。     

台湾当局亚太经济战略的演变、动因及影响——基于“一个中国”框架视阈的分析

自上世纪90年代以来,台湾当局的亚太经济战略均以减缓两岸经贸关系发展、挑战＂一个中国＂框架为主轴。马英九上台后,以＂黄金十年＂愿景为蓝图,在＂壮大台湾、连接亚太、布局全球＂的总战略下＂通过大陆走向世界＂,以＂战略平衡＂、＂同步多轨＂、＂官民结合＂等方式推动对外签订双边经济合作协议（ECA）及加入TPP、RCEP等多边经济合作机制。这一战略虽给大陆维护＂一个中国＂框架带来新课题,但总体上保持两岸政经良性互动,稳住两岸关系和平发展大局,并对未来两岸关系发展产生深远影响。     

家人：两岸关系新文化结构探析

中国大陆一贯坚持以“一家人”的思维来处理对台关系，在新一届中央领导集体成立以后更为明显。本文尝试在社会建构主义三种文化结构即霍布斯文化、洛克文化和康德文化之后，结合两岸关系特殊性和中国文化传统提出“家人文化”这一概念，并以此来观察大陆对台决策思维。其次，本文在分析两岸60余年来所建构和正在形塑的文化结构的基础上，展望未来家人文化结构深度内化以后的两岸政治、经济、社会结构形态，并提出形成家人文化结构的若干关键环节。