东亚经济的内生增长因素与外在影响

东亚地区的经济发展正面临着内外在的风险冲击,如何应对这些冲击成为当前的关注重点.本文认为,首先应刺激内需,形成良好的内生增长因素.其次应进一步深化微观改革,服务多样化和效率都有待提高,尤其是在金融服务方面.再次应进一步实现贸易自由化,形成更大规模的成品和服务本地市场,从而加深地区一体化.     

中亚石油与中国

展望21世纪,中亚石油潜力巨大,可能成为今后世界石油市场极为重要的新角色。中国自1993年成为石油净进口国以来,对外来石油的依赖度日趋增大。中亚石油将成为中国除中东以外的主要外来油源。因此,我们应对中国——中亚石油问题进行思考。     

中亚国家经济转型的政治-制度基础:来自中国的经验

中亚地区由于地理上和经济上的重要性,以及其尚未完成的转型进程,日益成为国际上高度关注的焦点.本文的目的是详细说明经济转型过程中一个牢靠的政治-制度基础(politico-institutional foundation)是必不可少的;本文还要探讨中亚国家建立这样一个基础的方法.出于相似政治方面的条件,本文把表现出色的中国作为中亚国家发展方向的范例.     

The Limits of Normative Power Europe in Asia: The Case of Human Rights in China

In recent years an increasing number of works on EU international actorness have begun to focus on notions of “normative, value-driven external policy”. However, the majority of these works tend to uncritically analyse EU foreign policy without considering its internal complexity and the existing national, supranational and intergovernmental dynamics. This paper first sheds light on these issues by proposing an original theoretical and analytical framework to study European, rather than merely EU, normative foreign policy. Secondly, this paper attempts to empirically apply such a framework in the specific case of European human rights promotion in China. What emerges is that in the case of China, and Asia more broadly, Europe appears more as a normative trap, where the interaction of EU institutions and member states originate policies not in line with the EU human rights normative basis.     

中国与东南亚:历史汇编和现实观照——《中国与东南亚》(六卷本)介评

本文对国际著名东南亚史专家韦德编辑的六卷本《中国与东南亚》的内容、目的、特点及其贡献等进行了简介和分析,并结合中国的东南亚研究状况提出了个人思考。     

The rise of China and the changing face of East Asia

In this exerpt from a presentation of the same title, Vogel examines some key changes that have occurred in China and in the United States that have an impact on US-China relations and then offers comments about responses that might be appropriate for Japan to consider.     

Asymmetrical Regionalism: China,Southeast Asia and Uneven Development

Does the rise of China present a threat or an opportunity for Southeast Asia? One of the most revealing arenas in which this will be determined will be within the context of regional institution-building. For a region that is perennially associated with under-institutionalisation it is remarkable just how many initiatives have been proposed recently. Such institutions, may be important venues within which ‘asymmetric regionalism’ may be manifest and perhaps managed. The paper provides an assessment of this process through an analysis of China’s relationship with Southeast Asia. The paper initially provides a brief theoretical introduction which explains the relationship between regional development and its possible impact on inter-state relations. Following this I provide an analysis of the political economic and strategic dynamics that are shaping and being shaped by regional initiatives. Finally, I assess how successful ASEAN’s efforts have been to engage China via regional mechanisms has actually been.     

China and the competition for oil and gas in Asia

While its economic dynamism stimulates continued growth in Asia, China's increasing demand for energy is creating intense competition, particularly with Japan, over international sources of supply. Domestic fields have generally been disappointing, as have efforts to pipe gas from Central Asia and Russia to the east coast. Consequently, China is not only paying greater attention to potential petroleum resources in the East and South China Seas, but also considering the vulnerability of its sea-lanes to the Middle East and beyond. Its need to diversify has promoted closer relations with Central Asia, the Middle East, and the oil producing countries of Africa and Latin America, but the jury is out on whether China's concerns for secure energy supply will lead to international cooperation against terrorism or fuel the already heated competition for oil and gas. As China continues to assure its future energy security in Asia and many areas of the world, sustained bilateral and multilateral diplomacy to reconcile disputes and avoid conflict will become more important than ever.     

50年代的美国与东亚--评《双重的遏制:艾森豪威尔政府的东亚政策》

整个20世纪后半期的世界历史大致上可以概括为美苏冷战的历史.这场美苏之间的竞争最初集中于欧洲和西亚,但不久以后冷战便呈现出扩、散的趋势,而首先波及的地区就是人口密集、形势复杂的东亚.南京大学中美文化研究中心副教授蔡佳禾的《双重的遏制:艾森豪威尔政府的东亚政策》(南京大学出版社1999年版,以下简称为《双重的遏制》一书;对艾森豪威尔时期美国的东亚政策进行了较为系统的研究.     

中国—日本—东盟三角关系结构变化与东亚一体化前景

中国、日本和东盟是决定东亚一体化发展前景的三种主要力量;它们之间关系的发展变化,在一定程度上决定和制约着未来东亚一体化的模式选择.本文试图运用国际政治理论中传统的战略三角关系分析方法,探讨中国-日本-东盟三角关系的四种可能结构,从而展望在不同的结构下东亚一体化可能出现的四种模式.     

“中国与南亚问题学术研讨会”在昆明召开

“中国与南亚问题学术研讨会”2 0 0 3年 9月 2 3日至 2 4日在昆明举行。来自全国南亚学界的 1 2 0多名学者与会 ,提交论文 50余篇。学者们围绕中国与南亚国家的政治经济关系、南亚与云南的次区域合作等议题展开了热烈讨论。主要观点如下 :( 1 )关于中印关系　　印度总理瓦杰帕伊访华 ,双方联合发表了《中印关系原则和全面合作的宣言》,印方在宣言中承认“西藏自治区是中华人民共和国领土的一部分”,这对中印建立互信和进一步合作奠定了基础。有学者提出 ,为使中印关系很好地发展 ,在增加领导人之间的互访的同时 ,加强与印度各党派尤其是反…