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邵志勤 《当代亚太》2005,(11):47-53
东亚地区的经济发展正面临着内外在的风险冲击,如何应对这些冲击成为当前的关注重点.本文认为,首先应刺激内需,形成良好的内生增长因素.其次应进一步深化微观改革,服务多样化和效率都有待提高,尤其是在金融服务方面.再次应进一步实现贸易自由化,形成更大规模的成品和服务本地市场,从而加深地区一体化.  相似文献   

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中亚石油与中国   总被引:5,自引:0,他引:5  
展望21世纪,中亚石油潜力巨大,可能成为今后世界石油市场极为重要的新角色。中国自1993年成为石油净进口国以来,对外来石油的依赖度日趋增大。中亚石油将成为中国除中东以外的主要外来油源。因此,我们应对中国——中亚石油问题进行思考。  相似文献   

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中亚国家经济转型的政治-制度基础:来自中国的经验   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
中亚地区由于地理上和经济上的重要性,以及其尚未完成的转型进程,日益成为国际上高度关注的焦点.本文的目的是详细说明经济转型过程中一个牢靠的政治-制度基础(politico-institutional foundation)是必不可少的;本文还要探讨中亚国家建立这样一个基础的方法.出于相似政治方面的条件,本文把表现出色的中国作为中亚国家发展方向的范例.  相似文献   

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Balducci  Giuseppe 《East Asia》2010,27(1):35-55
In recent years an increasing number of works on EU international actorness have begun to focus on notions of “normative, value-driven external policy”. However, the majority of these works tend to uncritically analyse EU foreign policy without considering its internal complexity and the existing national, supranational and intergovernmental dynamics. This paper first sheds light on these issues by proposing an original theoretical and analytical framework to study European, rather than merely EU, normative foreign policy. Secondly, this paper attempts to empirically apply such a framework in the specific case of European human rights promotion in China. What emerges is that in the case of China, and Asia more broadly, Europe appears more as a normative trap, where the interaction of EU institutions and member states originate policies not in line with the EU human rights normative basis.  相似文献   

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In this exerpt from a presentation of the same title, Vogel examines some key changes that have occurred in China and in the United States that have an impact on US-China relations and then offers comments about responses that might be appropriate for Japan to consider.  相似文献   

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张振江 《东南亚研究》2011,(3):89-93,96
本文对国际著名东南亚史专家韦德编辑的六卷本《中国与东南亚》的内容、目的、特点及其贡献等进行了简介和分析,并结合中国的东南亚研究状况提出了个人思考。  相似文献   

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Mark Beeson 《East Asia》2010,27(4):329-343
Does the rise of China present a threat or an opportunity for Southeast Asia? One of the most revealing arenas in which this will be determined will be within the context of regional institution-building. For a region that is perennially associated with under-institutionalisation it is remarkable just how many initiatives have been proposed recently. Such institutions, may be important venues within which ‘asymmetric regionalism’ may be manifest and perhaps managed. The paper provides an assessment of this process through an analysis of China’s relationship with Southeast Asia. The paper initially provides a brief theoretical introduction which explains the relationship between regional development and its possible impact on inter-state relations. Following this I provide an analysis of the political economic and strategic dynamics that are shaping and being shaped by regional initiatives. Finally, I assess how successful ASEAN’s efforts have been to engage China via regional mechanisms has actually been.  相似文献   

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This article seeks to debunk the persistent myth of an ethnically-based Chinese capitalism and the culturalist view of an “economic miracle” created by Asians of Chinese descent. This myth claims that Chinese entrepreneurs constitute a closed category with homogenous ethnic attributes and cultural values that have enabled them to achieve economic success. This article disputes such primordialist views and proposes an alternative analysis of the cultural economy of regionalisation and constructions of Chineseness. It deconstructs the politics of culture and identity, and argues for the need to analyse Southeast Asian Chinese entrepreneurship within specific historical, geographical, economic, political and socio-cultural contexts.  相似文献   

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Lin Chun 《亚洲研究》2017,49(4):501-522
Mainstream political science treats China as an anomaly that has not followed the “right” path of development, that is, a path that confirms the worldview, normative values, knowledge, and expectations of a Euromodern origin. This essay identifies inherent biases in the discipline and shows how the dominant disciplinary approach to Chinese politics has largely remained focused on validating questionable political-scientific tenets. A tentative proposal is offered for intellectual steps toward more openness and efficacy in disciplinary knowledge production and consumption. The argument is not about overcoming Eurocentrism by promoting Chinese exceptionalism. On the contrary, it is political, and challenges the power of current organizing principles of knowledge in search of a more accurate and cogent understanding of Chinese and global politics.  相似文献   

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