Pierre Bourdieu: From Neo-Kantian to Hegelian Critical Social Theory

Abstract

This paper challenges the commonly made claim that the work of Pierre Bourdieu is fundamentally anti-Hegelian in orientation. In contrast, it argues that the development of Bourdieu's work from its earliest structuralist through its later ‘post-structuralist’ phase is better described in terms of a shift from a late nineteenth century neo-Kantian to a distinctly Hegelian post-Kantian outlook. In his break with structuralism, Bourdieu appealed to a bodily based logic of practice' to explain the binaristic logic of Lévi-Strauss' structuralist analyses of myth. Effectively working within the tradition of the Durkheimian approach to symbolic classification, Lévi-Strauss had inherited Durkheim's distinctly neo-Kantian understanding of the role of categories in experience and action—an account that conflated two forms of representation—‘intuitions’ and ‘concepts’—that Kant himself had held distinct. Bourdieu's appeal to the role of the body's dispositional habitus can be considered as a retrieval of Hegel's earlier quite different reworking of Kant's intuition-concept distinction in terms of distinct ‘logics’ with different forms of ‘negation’. Bourdieu commonly acknowledged the parallels of his analyses of social life to those of Hegel, but opposed Hegelianism because he believed that Hegel had remained entrapped within the dynamics of mythopoeic thought. In contrast, Durkheim and Lévi-Strauss, he claimed, by instituting a science of myth, had broken with it. This criticism of Hegel, however, relies on an understanding of his philosophy that has been rejected by many contemporary Hegel scholars, and without it, the gap separating Hegel and Bourdieu narrows dramatically     

Contested Engagements: Youth and the Politics of Citizenship

In this paper, a framework is presented for exploring how youth perform their citizenship through political engagements. The framework provides a way to explore the agency of youthful citizens as imagined by different agents and the ways that youth understand their performances as citizenship. Using interviews with university students and administrators at six universities in Manchester and Glasgow, a distinction is highlighted between agency and the performance of political acts in the production of citizenship, and the implications of this distinction for the development of autonomous citizens.     

试论政治信仰

政治信仰属于意识形态的范畴 ,对于国家的政治稳定和发展起着不可估量的作用。政治信仰是个体在一定政治环境的影响下 ,通过对政治认知对象的了解和深度认知的基础上 ,而产生的情感共鸣和与其认知相一致的行为倾向的综合的认同体系。政治信仰不是由单一的认知构成的 ,它是一个复杂的、多元的心理体系。     

On Political Brands: A Systematic Review of the Literature

The usage of the word brand crops up more frequently in politics. Specifically, in the study of political marketing, a burgeoning set of research has encircled various cases and conceptions. However, the brand concept seeks to harbor a variety of political events, just like a sponge soaking up different kinds of meaning in different kinds of surroundings. This tendency makes it hard to accumulate knowledge because demarcations between various brand perspectives in many cases are implicit, which can impede the clarity and precision in our studies. Against this backdrop, we identify a gap in the political brand literature: a study conducting an overall conceptual inquiry. As such, it is first argued that we need a thorough analysis of the foundation of the political brand concept to uncover the presuppositions underlying the different usages of the concept. Second, we carry out a systematic review of the brand literature on voters and parties. Third, on this ground, we propose a minimal definition and six subclassifications to the political brand concept. Finally, we illustrate the applicability of this conceptual groundwork in order to advance cumulative research in the field.     

试析政治文明的属性

政治文明作为人类社会文明的重要组成部分具有自己独特的性质。探讨政治文明的属性,有利于正确地理解政治文明的内涵,加深对政治文明的认识,更好地为我国社会主义政治文明建设服务。     

论政治权力结构

政治权力是权力主体对权力客体的一种支配能力。本文认为对权力结构的研究应从现实的权力现象运动入手,研究政治权力的运行,运行中各种权力间以及主体与客体间的相互作用及其规律。     

论“政权党”——以当代俄罗斯和中华民国初年政党政治为例

本文详细考察了当代俄罗斯和中华民国初年的政党政治和政治制度,认为二者都是以政权党为显著特征的政党政治,表现出总统重视政党的作用,善于利用政权党来巩固政治地位但又超越政权党,具有不受任何党派约束的巨大权威;政权党虽然能得到总统的支持,但是无法成为执政党,因而表现出既支持政府又批评政府,既与政府合作又与政府斗争的特征。由此得出结论,政权党是一种在政党与政权关系问题上相对于执政党、在野党之外的又一政党类型,有其特定的历史文化基础。     

Opening Windows on Surveillance: the Scholarship of Gary Marx

Gary Marx’s work on surveillance is important to those concerned about the causes and implications of modern surveillance technologies. This essay addresses the themes of reality, complexity, and transdisciplinarity that are prominent in all of Marx’s work including his 2016 book, Windows into the Soul: Surveillance and Society in an Age of High Technology.     

建设社会主义政治文明——学习党的十六大报告

建设社会主义政治文明,是全面建设小康社会的重要目标。建设社会主义政治文明,最根本的就是要坚持和改善党 的领导、充分实现人民当家作主和全面落实依法治国。     

On the Political Economy of Environmental Policy

In the past there was hardly any use of economic instrumentsin environmental policy, mainly command and control measureswere used. More recently, ecological taxes as well as tradablepermits became more popular and voluntary agreements have beenimplemented. Using the Public Choice approach we ask for thereasons of this wider acceptance of economic instruments. Weconclude that the use of market based instruments inenvironmental policy has not increased very much and theirimpact on the actual situation is still rather low, but thereis hope of a at least some increase in the future.     

建设社会主义政治文明必须坚持党的领导

党的十六大明确提出要加强社会主义政治文明建设,并将其作为全国建设小康社会的重要目标.建设社会主义政治文明,离不开党的领导;加强社会主义政治文明建设,必须坚持党的领导.     

历史政治学的功能分析

历史政治学的提出引发了中国政治学界的广泛关注。作为一种新型研究路径的历史政治学不但具有客观的分析主义特征,而且和其它政治理论的研究路径一样,还具有鲜明的功能主义特征。历史政治学首先回答了政治理论的知识来源问题,从而为建构中国自主性政治学知识体系提供了可能。基于政治学取向的政治史研究有助于避免因“文化转向”而导致的历史研究的碎片化问题,这意味着历史政治学研究既追求“真相”也关怀“真理”。历史政治学的知识功能自然有其政治实践价值,那就是为治国理政提供历史解释与现实论述,并为认识合法性政治提供一套不同于理性人假设的历时性方案。     

试析政治传播的传播控制

传播控制是传播分析的主题之一。本文通过剖析政治传播中的技术控制和政治控制,指出随着技术政治与民主政治的发展,政治传播中的传播控制在总体上将会呈一种弱化的态势。     

论公家秩序:家国关系的历史政治学阐释北大核心CSSCISSCI

作为国家治理传统中心轴的家国关系自现代转型以来经历了困境:在实践中被捍卫、被维系,在学理上却被抨击、被解构。走出西方现代性的单向思维控制,反思家父长制、家产官僚制、家天下等话语,是重构国家治理体系理论的必要条件。依据钱穆著述,公家秩序论尝试提出植根于中国经验和智慧的解释框架。政治与社会一体、政治法统尊重社会是家国关系的精髓。人伦主义主张个体通过耦伍共成树立自我,把家作为公家秩序的起点和原型,国和天下又在家的推衍层积中形成,这个元宪制涵括了不同于个人主义的群己公私观。只有建立在人类性情关系上的大群秩序才能扩展并长生,天下为公和天下一家分别从公与家的两端构筑了秩序的至善规范。超越政体论制度主义的观察视角,公家秩序的历史生成机制表现出共同体基于家而展开模拟融扩与修正矫治的内生二重性,生发原理与组织原理显现为主从关系。公家秩序的权力组织受到家团体原型、人伦主义和礼治的涵容,铸就了政治与教化、社会、经济一体化的礼法特质,这也是家国韧性的宪制缘由。     

论共产党员的政治服从

讲政治与政治服从是一致的,必须强化共产党员的政治服从意识,以"三个代表"为最高人生信念和人生目标,树立思想政治工作的权威,在党内生活中讲党性、讲原则,坚持纪律面前人人平等.