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1.
探索具有俄罗斯特色的核心价值体系,提升国家凝聚力,是俄罗斯自立于世界的必然选择俄罗斯社会在转型时期曾一度动荡,造成这种动荡的重要原因之一,是社会缺乏公认的能起凝聚作用的核心价值体系。普京上台后,为确立具有俄罗斯自主性的核心价值体系作了一系列努力。  相似文献   

2.
全球化的社会生活跨越国界,国家权力出现某些失效.国家的一些权力向跨国公司、金融集团和跨国组织转移.传统的国家观在全球化中需要调整和转型.全球化中的国家权力一方面具有深厚的存在依据,另一方面也要在权力的范围和行使方式上受到限制.国家权力需要依照民族的利益在保留和限制之间作出平衡的选择.  相似文献   

3.
一、经济全球化条件下社会主义与资本主义呈现多层次多形式的相互交织与融合经济全球化条件下使社会主义经济与资本主义经济在具体体制层面上日益密切与融合,政治文化社会生活相互影响和吸收,使“地球村”上的“国际人”普遍关注全人类共同利益和命运。1不同经济制度被纳入统一全球经济体系。第一,多元异质主体共同参与世界单一市场竞争。随着信息技术的迅猛发展,扩及全球的互联网络使不同社会制度国家同为网络社会成员,超越时空,信息共享。中东欧、俄罗斯等23个国家向“市场经济”转轨,包括中国在内的社会主义国家也实行以市场…  相似文献   

4.
社会安全事件危害社会稳定、干扰社会秩序,挑战国家治理能力和效果,影响国家安全。社会安全事件受全球化浪潮、现代化进程和信息化发展的影响,对于其预防和处置,需要从理念上强化国家安全战略,制度上建立系统的社会安全事件预防和处置机制,治理能力上多管齐下,增强治理的法治化和科学化。  相似文献   

5.
经济全球化是历史的发展趋势。在这一潮流中 ,发展中国家的国家安全问题凸显。如何在经济全球化环境中维护国家安全 ,这是发展中国家必须认真对待的一个问题。本文剖析了经济全球化导致的涉及国家经济安全和社会安全的新变数 ;并提出内外两方面的应对措施 :一是加快国内各项体制改革 ,以迎接全球化的挑战 ;二是积极投入全球化进程 ,推进国际新秩序的建立。  相似文献   

6.
储殷  李培广 《学理论》2009,(4):59-60
随着全球公民社会的兴起与民族国家向民主治国的转型,传统社会研究中的诸多问题面临着重新的诠释。在单质性民族国家逐渐消解的全球化过程中,民族问题已成为国际政治关系中的核心问题之一。“民族”这种现代甚至是前现代的概念在后现代的语境中如何重构以及重构为何种意义的符号,往往取决于国家、社会以及传媒的共谋,民族问题的提出往往同时具有国家战略、消费需要以及塑造消费需要的三重背景。  相似文献   

7.
经济全球化带来的机遇、挑战和风险   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
经济全球化源远流长,美国加州太平洋大学弗莱思教授认为,现代经济全球化始于1571年,这一年西班牙在菲律宾建立马尼拉城,后来这里成为欧洲国家从事欧洲、拉美和亚洲贸易的一个中继站。但是,经济全球化也是曲折的。经济全球化与相互影响的五个条件息息相关:第一,一些国家生产力发展到有能力输出商品和资本;第二,交通运输业不断拓展创造了进行经贸交往的条件;第三,科学技术大发展;第四,各国有进行经贸交流的需要和政策;第五,世界处于相对和平时期。19世纪中期以后,这些条件逐步具备,经济全球化得以较快发展。从1914年第一次世…  相似文献   

8.
渔业产业在一些国家呈现出高度的统治和不公平现象,而水产养殖业是为了改善经济状况、确保国家粮食自主权、增加就业率和提高出口的主要因素之一。俄罗斯滨海边疆区应借鉴国外水产养殖经验,调整措施以实现当地的活力的和可持续的水产养殖业的发展,提高俄罗斯的水产养殖能力。分析了现有滨海边疆区导致水产养殖经济衰退的社会经济条件和融资问题,在融资对策基础上采取国外先进经验,以促进滨海边疆区发展水产养殖。  相似文献   

9.
中国实行社会主义市场经济体制后,不少人认为马克思恩格斯关于有计划调节生产的设想具有很大的空想性。事实上,马克思恩格斯所说的有计划调节生产是需要一定条件的。马克思恩格斯不仅认为人类有计划地调节生产需要全社会对生产资料的真正共同占有和生产社会化程度的极大提高,同时也需要人类对客观经济规律的把握达到相当高的水平。过去,一些社会主义国家实行的"指令性计划经济"并未达到马克思主义经典作家设想的有计划调节生产所需要的条件。随着人类经济实践活动的深入和科技的发展,对经济规律的认识和把握最终能够为实现有计划地调节生产提供条件。  相似文献   

10.
在苏联解体和俄罗斯成为独立主权国家后,俄罗斯最大的工会组织——独立工联(有4000多万会员)不断探索处理工会与国家、政党和企业主关系的途径,在借鉴西方国家工会经验的基础上逐渐提出了在国家、产业和企业各级建立“社会和劳动关系领域伙伴关系”的主张,并以此为基础处理工会与其他方面的关系,确立工会在国家和社会中的地位、权利和义务,以及工会参与国家、社会和企业事务的方式。一、社会伙伴关系主张的提出俄罗斯独立工联指出:“社会和劳动关系领域的伙伴关系,是指政府、企业主和工会在涉及人的  相似文献   

11.
There are several research issues which need further exploration if we are to better understand the implications of what appears to be increased levels of morbidity. Three general areas require additional research: the time of onset of chronic illness, the progression rate of illness, and the overlap and interaction between chronic and non-chronic conditions as well as multiple chronic conditions in a single individual. A major reason for the present uncertainty about morbidity is that information is unavailable regarding the incidence of chronic illness. However, incidence of chronic disease is difficult to measure unless there are either clear clinical indications or functional limitations. Work by survey researchers in defining initial reports of functional limitations associated with chronic illness would be very helpful. Furthermore, an understanding of incidence is necessary to further our understanding of the rate of progression of illness. The concept of a progression rate of illness makes sense only if we can have agreed upon measures of the onset of the illness. Both of these issues clearly require the use of longitudinal data. In fact any serious attempt to predict changes in health status over time as well as to relate changing patterns of mortality with changing patterns of morbidity will require a longitudinal data base. The difficulty in establishing a longitudinal data base is not only the time and expense of follow given set of individuals over a prolonged period of time, but also the problem of having a sample large enough to include individuals with specific chronic conditions of illness. One way to resolve the problem of sufficient sample size may be to do a combined survey which includes both a national probability sample of individuals as well as a sample of individuals with specific chronic diseases. Monitoring a group of individuals known to have specific chronic conditions would provide information about the progression and impact of the disease over time. Including a national probability sample of the entire population would provide information on the impact over time of changing health conditions for the entire population. While screening for specific conditions is an expensive procedure, it is likely to be far cheaper than including a sample size large enough to provide reliable estimates for specific conditions based on a national probability sample. Because the effects of postponed social security benefit eligibility will not be felt for many years, the opportunity for fruitful research is great. For now, we will summarize what we know from current research.  相似文献   

12.
Sustainable budgets are important quality signals for the electorate. Politicians might thus have an incentive to influence tax revenue forecasts, which are widely regarded as a key element of national budget plans. Looking at the time period from 1996 to 2012, we systematically analyze whether national tax revenue forecasts in 18 OECD countries are biased due to political manipulation. Drawing on theories from the field of political economy, we test three hypotheses using panel estimation techniques. We find support for partisan politics. Left-wing governments seem to produce more optimistic, or less pessimistic, tax revenue forecasts than do right-wing ones. Contrary to the theoretical prediction based on the “common pool” problem, we find that more fragmented governments and parliaments tend to produce more pessimistic, or less optimistic, tax revenue forecasts. We find no empirical evidence that political business cycles play a role in tax revenue forecasts.  相似文献   

13.
Optimal economic growth deals with the problem of how societies make tradeoffs between current and future consumption, or equivalently, how societies make decisions about investment rates. Until now, theorists have simply assumed that there is some societal utility function which planners can maximize. Social choice theorists have thrown doubt upon the concept of a societal utility function. We treat optimal economic growth as a problem in social choice theory. Assume that citizens have preferences over the various growth plans. Under what conditions will a majority rule equilibrium exist? We show that such an equilibrium can exist for a Ramsey type problem. We then briefly consider social choice in the so-called “labor surplus” economy.  相似文献   

14.
美国信息安全最新发展综述   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
美国总统奥巴马执政以来出台了一系列网络安全战略,使之成为美国国家安全战略的一部分。国家层面的战略计划、法律法规也相继出炉,体现了美国将迎来信息安全政策的重大调整。近两年以来美国的信息安全战略部署和信息安全立法动向,为我国的信息安全战略调整提出了几点借鉴的启示,即我国应加快制定信息安全立法规划,加强对国家信息基础设施的保护和明确国家在发生重大安全事件时可以对网络进行管制。  相似文献   

15.
How should we conceive and address the position of migrants in receiving states? The argument offered here presents an account of this position in terms of civic marginalization, that is, marginalization relative to the norm of the national citizen. Two dimensions of civic marginalization are distinguished. First, marginalization with respect to the status of national citizenship which is addressed in terms of the issue of whether specific kinds of migrants should be entitled to access to national citizenship, and what, if any, conditions governing such access are justifiable. Second, marginalization with respect to the rights and duties of the national citizen, which is addressed in terms of the rights to which specific types of migrant are entitled and the duties which can be demanded of them as well as the duties of the state towards them. Distinguishing these two dimensions also helps to bring into focus their interaction with one another by demonstrating that whether, and under what conditions, a migrant has access to national citizenship is normatively consequential for their rights and duties and the duties of the state towards them. The argument also offers methodological reflections on approaching this topic and draws attention to the strengths and limitations of its own methodological strategy.  相似文献   

16.
Abstract

At one time the national goal of affordable housing was a widely held consensus that led to decent housing for millions of Americans. Today, proponents of affordable housing must negotiate with diverse and sometimes hostile parties to secure project approvals. Discussions are frequently adversarial, and stalemate is too often the result. The consensus has collapsed.

If progress toward affordable housing is to be made, proponents will have to recast the way they operate within this new environment. More than new financing plans or recommendations for regulatory relief are needed. Attention must also focus on the processes by which groups address divergent interests and come to agreement. “Principled negotiation,” a form of joint problem solving, when coupled with third‐party intervention, offers a promising and effective means of dealing with this hostile environment.  相似文献   

17.
The federal Surface Mining Control and Reclamation Act of 1977 not only established national performance standards and permitting procedures for the coal industry, but also provided for stateprimacy. The principle of state primary is both simple and intuitively appealing: Because states do not have adequate resources to develop effective regulatory programs, the federal government would set up comprehensive procedures and criteria to guide the states in preparing their own plans. The obvious advantage of state primacy is that i t provides for flexibility in implementation.
Ultimately, state primacy is an experiment in cooperative federalism, a sharing of authority and responsibility between the states and the federal government to insure both the general welfare and sensitivity to local conditions. The history of surface mining regulation is instructive because i t points out the pitfalls and promise of cooperative federalism as well as the critical role of the courts in making state primacy work.  相似文献   

18.
Combining a historical institutionalism approach with institutional isomorphism and punctuated equilibrium, this article analyzes quarantine policy change across 120 years of Australian quarantine history. By anchoring its analysis within specific time periods (the years before the Spanish flu, seven decades of inaction, and multiple post-1997 pandemic updates and responses), the authors highlight when and why policies did or did not change and how the constant push-and-pull between state and Commonwealth institutional ownership altered policy possibilities. The heart of the analysis showcases how Australia's successful COVID-19 response is a unique output of prior quarantine policies, institutional evolution, and mid-pandemic alterations of key national pandemic response plans.  相似文献   

19.
The impact of national economic planning in developing countries over the past three decades has been severely limited. Little evidence supports the contention that it has either directly improved investment decisions for stimulating economic growth or significantly affected development policymaking. Constraints on implementing national planning in Asia include weaknesses of political and administrative support for national plans, deficiencies in their content, difficulties of relating plan priorities to investment decisionmaking, ineffectiveness or inappropriateness of comprehensive planning methods and techniques, and inadequate administrative capacity to implement and evaluate multisectoral investment strategies. Changes in Asian development policy toward growth with equity imply the need for more decentralized methods and arrangements for planning, creation of a stronger relationship between policy planning and program implementation, and diffusion of administrative capacity among a wide variety of public and private institutions to generate, formulate and implement investment policies and projects.  相似文献   

20.
Research on climate change policy and politics has become increasingly focused on the actions and influence of subnational governments. In North America, this attention has been particularly focused on why subnational governments have taken action in the absence of national leadership, what effect action might have on future national climate policy, and whether the collective action of networks of municipal governments are reshaping and challenging the character of national and global climate governance. This paper examines Canadian municipal climate in light of the absence of a comprehensive and effective climate national strategy. The paper considers various reasons why local governments in Canada have not been central players in national plans, and why their actions have not been more influential nationally. The paper argues that the potential influence of Canadian municipalities on national climate policy is weak, given the loose nature of the network and the long-held structural view that municipalities are not significant units of political analysis in national political and policy debates. The paper concludes by considering the constraints and opportunities of subnational climate networks and municipal network analysis.  相似文献   

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