公民在公共政策制定中的参与范式分析

公民在公共政策制定中的参与范式根据具体的政策制定过程不同而不同,在传统自上而下的政策制定模型中公民的参与范式是被动参与,自下而上的政策制定模式中公民的参与范式是有限参与;后现代行政学认为传统的政策制定模式中公民的参与范式并没能体现真正的民主精神,提出公共政策应在“公共能量场”中制定,公民在这种模式下的参与范式应是全面参与。     

New challenges in public administration

Abstract: Some fundamental questions are being asked about how government is organized and about public servants, their roles and relationships to ministers and Parliament, and the skills and values they need to do their jobs. Sadly, much of what is being said about federal public servants is based on clichks and myths. The purpose of the paper is to consider the forces at play that are changing the federal public service and to review new conditions and circumstances under which public servants must now operate. The paper also looks to the future and points to new emerging challenges for public servants and for the study of public administration. The paper concludes with the suggestion that greater emphasis must be placed inside government on managing human resources more effectively and that a new corporate culture among federal public servants must emerge. It also concludes with a plea for more academic studies on managing in the public sector and on government organization. The paper also calls for closer collaboraton between public serants and the academic community. Sommaire: On se pose quelques questions fondamentales à propos de l'organisation du gouvernernent fédéral et des fonctionnaires, du rôle de ces derniers, des rapports qu'ils entretiennent avec le Parlement et les ministres, des compétences et des valeurs qu'ils doivent poséder pour assumer leurs responsabilités professionnelles. Il est triste, toutefois, de constater que ce qu'on raconte sur les fonctionnaires fédéraux se fonde sur des stéréotypes et des mythes. Cet article analyse les forces qui sont en train de modifier la fonction publique fédérale et passe en revue les nouvelles conditions et circonstances dans lesquelles les fonctionnaires sont maintenant tenus de travailler. Lauteur de l'article s'interroge également sur I'avenir et indique les nouveaux défis qui vont se poser aux fonctionnaires et i ceux qui étudient l'administration publique. En conclusion, l'auteur sug-gère qu'on devrait se préoccuper davantage, au sein du gouvernement, de la gestion des ressources humaines, et qu'une culture corporative devrait faire son apparition par mi les fonctionnaires du gouvernement fédéral. Il plaide également pour que des études sur la gestion dans le secteur public et sur l'organisation du gouvernement se multiplient au niveau universitaire. Il exprirne aussi le souhait que les fonctionnaires et les milieux academiques coopèrent plus étroitement.     

加入WTO后治安管理工作面临的挑战与对策

加入WTO后,由于就业和劳动力转移,西方文化糟粕涌入,中外人员交往摩擦等问题特别突出,我国社会治安管理面临空前的压力。现实的治安管理在法制、管理方式和管理者素质等方面存在着诸多不适应,应从建立治安预警系统,推行新的警务战略,加强治安管理立法、执法监督和提高管理者素质等多方面,寻求解决问题的途径。     

Auditing citizen engagement in heritage planning: The views of citizens

Abstract: Drawing the citizen back into public fora has become the issue of the day in democratic countries around the globe. On the political stage, there is growing alarm over a perceived “democratic deficit,” which has inspired a variety of innovative means of engaging citizens in public policy decisions. This plethora of engagement mechanisms invites the question of how citizens evaluate these engagement opportunities, a question that reveals a decided lacuna of studies regarding citizen assessments of these various mechanisms. This study is a report from the citizen participants on the merits of a Nova Scotia model of citizen engagement in policy development. It examines a citizen task force organized by Voluntary Planning, which conducted a citizen consultation process to create policy recommendations for heritage preservation in Nova Scotia, using its distinctive technique of citizen engagement. This study is the first evaluation of the Nova Scotia process from the perspective of citizen participants conducted to date. It concludes that the process used is highly regarded and enhances the legitimacy of such mechanisms as the “voice of the people” for citizens themselves and government decision-makers.     

时代召换道德的重建

改革开放的20多年,是我国经济快速发展的20多年。然而伴随着经济的快速发展,一些非道德与反道德的现象已呈漫延之势。唯利主义的肆虐与个人主义的张狂,不仅侵蚀了一些人的本性,也危害了社会。因此,加强道德建设成为时代的要求,成为社会主义内在本质的表现,成为我党作风建设的基础。     

时代呼唤职业服务

随着社会、经济的发展 ,我国的职业选择规则发生了变化 ,职业自由正向我们走来 ,传统的职业成功之路已不复存在。人们在获得职业选择自由的同时 ,也要付出相应的代价 :为自己的职业生涯承担更多的责任。在当今的社会中 ,人们要取得职业生活的成功 ,需要接受各种方式的职业咨询、指导和服务。     

The responsibilities of the public servant to the public: accessibility,fairness and efficiency

Abstract: Bureaucratic behaviour, as well as being subject to a set of formal institutional controls, is influenced by a sense of responsibility towards the public. This responsibility includes the obligations to provide access, fairness and efficiency. Accessibility, in the sense of actively seeking out public input, is seldom a simple task, since the tendency is to consult with groups that are likely to be sympathetic, or alternatively, to provide a hearing for the views of the more strident or powerful elements in the community to the disadvantage of less articulate, but often more representative, opinions. Public servants have a particular responsibility to speak out for fairness and equity, since the nature of their work is likely to provide them with the fullest information on the winners and losers from particular policy decisions. Advocating changes in policy design for reasons of fairness is also a difficult and time-consuming task. With respect to efficiency, the public service does not rank high in public esteem. Changes which are intended to lead to greater efficiency are often resisted by those elements of the public who fear that the change will redound to their disadvantage. Improved responsiveness and responsibility to the public will come from better coordination among departments where policies extend beyond the mandate of any one department, from tailoring policies to regional or local circumstances where national objectives are not going to be undermined, and from encouraging bureaucratic initiative and entrepreneurship among operational staff working in the field. Sommaire: Le comportement d'un fonctionnaire n'est pas seulement soumis à tout un ensemble de mesures de contrôle institutionnelles officielles, mais dépend aussi de son sens des repsonsabilitiés envers le public. Ces responsabilités comprennent l'obligation de consulter le public et de promouvoir la justice et l'efficacité. Consulter le public, c'est-à-dire l'inciter activement à s'exprimer, est rarement chose facile, car les fonctionnaires ont inévitablement tendance àécouter les groupes qui se rangent à leurs opinions ou au contraire les voix les plus stridentes et les plus puissantes de l'opposition, au détriment des éléments qui s'expriment avec peut-être moins de force et de clarté mais qui sont souvent plus représentatifs de la collectivité. Les fonctionnaires ont une autre responsabilité primordiale: parler au nom de la justice et de l'efficacité puisque la nature de leurs fonctions leur permet généralement de connaître ceux qui gagnent ou ceux qui perdent à la suite de certaines décisions politiques. Demander, par souci de justice, des changements dans la formulation des politiques est une tâche difficile et accaparante pour eux. Sur le plan d'efficacitéégalement, la fonction publique n'a pas très bonne réputation auprks du public. Et lorsque des changements destinés à améliorer la performance des fonctionnaires sont proposés, des éléments du public, qui craignent que ces changements soient à leur désavantage, y font souvent opposition. Pour rendre les fonctionnaires plus responsables et attentifs aux désirs du public, il faut amkliorer la coordination entre les ministères dont les politiques sont pluriministérielles, adapter les politiques aux situations régionales ou locales, s'il est possible de le faire sans porter atteinte aux objectifs nationaux, et encourager l'esprit d'initiative et d'entreprise parmi le personnel des services operationnels.     

界别协商的实效性

界别协商作为人民政协政治协商的一大创新,具有其自身的独特性:即界别性、协商性和实效性。同时,界别协商作为一种全新的协商民主实践形式,仍存在协商主体参与意识和协商能力不足,协商客体代表的公共利益性不足,界别协商工作机制不健全,界别协商议政的载体不足的问题。通过坚持主体性,提高界别协商主体的参与意识和协商能力;把握协商议题的选择,增强协商议题的公共利益性;强化政协界别协商机制建设;丰富载体,提高界别协商工作的实效性等途径能很好地弥补上述不足,对于推动人民政协事业发展具有重要意义。     

刑事公诉案件撤回：固守与放开之间

撤回公诉，作为公诉权的一项重要权能，涉及到对被告人刑事责任的认定和权利的救济。世界上多数国家和地区根据实际情况的需要，都赋予检察机关不同程度的撤回公诉权。目前，在我国，由于立法的缺位，撤回公诉制度在理论上是一个薄弱环节，实践中也存在许多亟待解决的问题。本文在肯定撤回公诉正当性的基础上，结合我国公诉撤回实践中存在的问题，对我国撤回公诉制度的完善提出几点初步设想。     

Public Service 2000: The renewal of the public service

Abstract: In December 1989 the prime minister launched an initiative of public service reform and renewal called “Public Service 2000.” The initiative is designed to equip the public service of Canada to meet the challenges of an increasingly demanding national and international environment. Based on the premise that the key to management is the motivation of people, the underlying thrust of Public Service 2000 is on changing how public servants are managed and, more broadly, how work is done in government. Building on the established foundations of the modern, professional public service, Public Service 2000 will lead to reforms in mandates, structures and operations and, above all, in the management culture of the public service, its efficiency and its capacity to serve Canadians effectively. Sommaire: En décembre 1989, le Premier ministre a annoncé un projet de réforme et de renouvellement de la fonction publique intitulé“Fonction publique 2000”. Cette initiative vise à adapter la fonction publique du Canada aux défis de plus en plus exigeants de l'environnement national et international. Fondée sur la prémisse que la motivation du personnel constitue la clef d'une saine gestion, Fonction publique 2000 vise à changer non seulement la façon dont les ressources humaines sont gérées, mais plus généralement, la façon dont le gouvernement accomplit son travail. Venant s'ajouter aux réformes antérieures qui ont instauré une fonction publique professionnelle et moderne, Fonction publique 2000 mènera à la réforme des mandats, des structures, des opérations et, surtout, de la culture de gestion de la fonction publique et de sa capacité d'offrir un service efficace à la population.     

Neither public nor private: The efficacy of mixed model public service delivery in two Canadian municipalities

The New Public Management emerged in the 1980s, and with it, alternative service delivery (ASD) mechanisms, which removed service delivery from the public bureaucracy and separated policy making from policy implementation. Most western governments implemented measures including privatization or contracting out of service delivery to the private sector. By the mid‐1990s, many governments started reversing ASD policies and sought new ways to deliver services, leading to a mixed model approach to service delivery, which combines the benefits of the public and private sectors. We examine the adoption of the model in the Canadian municipalities of Hamilton and Ottawa to determine if and how it enhances competition, cost‐savings, efficiency, effectiveness, and good governance in the delivery of public services, during an era of fiscal constraint. Our findings indicate the model is better in enhancing the five variables when compared to solely public or private services delivery.     

时代呼唤刑警法学的诞生——以全国警察法学研究会的正式成立为契机

将刑警法学作为一门新兴的学科来创建,有着广泛的实践基础、法制基础和理论基础。刑警法学主要研究以刑警机构和刑警职权为核心的刑警制度所涉及的法律关系,其学科应定位于大法学学科系列之下,具体位置应处于隶属于警察法学下的一个分支学科。刑警法学学科具有重叠性与交叉性、开放性与发展性、区域性与国际性的特点。刑警法学的现实发展方向应立足于刑警使命调整、刑警机构改革和刑警制度完善;有关刑警法学的理论发展途径应立足于系统化、深入化和科学化研究。     

西方协商民主与中国特色社会主义民主政治

许多西方学者认为，协商民主（Deliberative democracy）是二十世纪八十年代以来西方政治思想最重要的成果之一。我国的政治学家也认为，从现实政治的角度看，协商民主也是当代西方国家最重要的政治发展之一。协商民主是西方民主思想发展的最新成果，标志着西方民主政治发展的新阶段。在我国的政治实践中，存在着体现协商民主特征的社会主义民主政治实践。如今在建设和发展中国特色社会主义事业的过程中，要不断推进中国特色社会主义民主政治的发展。     

The public service of Canada: the case for political neutrality

Abstract: Change is in the wind. There is an expectation that when the present leadership of the governing Liberal party passes from the scene and a transition to a Progressive Conservative or newly led Liberal government follows, sweeping changes at the top of the public service dl be the order of the day. The author welcomes a healthy dose of change — but change that is carefully thought through and orderly. He defends the concept of a permanent, professional, non-partisan public service and points out how the doctrine of political neutrality has been eroded. He argues for a return to a stricter adherence to the anonymity principle and to a reaffirmation of merit as the benchmark of appointments. In seeking to strengthen the accountability of the public service to the executive, the author rejects partisan appointments to the public service in favour of appointed senior policy advisors. He proposes buttressing the role of individual advisors with a partisan research and policy analysis unit of some ten to fifteen people reporting directly to the Prime Minister and the cabinet as a whole. He suggests the upgrading of the research apparatuses of political parties themselves. Finally, he underscores the vital role that Parliament could play in exacting public service accountability. The author concludes that the federal public service in its central characteristics should be preserved, and that changes should be aimed inure in the direction of the restoration of the basic principles that have guided it in the past.     

The federal government's banks: Financial services and public policy

Internationally, interest in and research on state‐owned enterprises (SOEs) have increased significantly, particularly in the developing world, where they play a vital role in national economies. The evolution of Canadian SOEs is, for the most part, largely absent from this literature. This article analyzes and evaluates the performance of three SOEs in the financial sector owned and operated by the federal government: Export Development Canada (EDC), the Business Development Bank of Canada (BDC) and Farm Credit Canada (FCC). The article seeks to evaluate the performance of these commercially oriented hybrid entities which are policy (and politically) sensitive to the needs of their single shareholder. There is evidence that these firms take on higher‐risk investments than their private sector counterparts, in addition to performing other politically significant policy roles. There is also evidence that, as publicly owned entities, they enjoy some significant advantages over other actors in the sector.