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Devolution was a response to a decline in legitimacy in the territorial politics of the UK. To differing extents and in different ways, there was a legitimacy gap in Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland. This has largely been restored in the non-English parts of the UK but has created new problems of legitimacy in England. The West Lothian Question and territorial finance are the unfinished business of devolution. Using Beetham's classic work on The Legitimation of Power, this article argues that the situation today in England resembles that which existed before devolution in the non-English parts of the UK: there is nothing illegal in the current constitutional arrangements; but there are constitutional anomalies and inconsistencies, which may lead to a withdrawal of consent.  相似文献   

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In July 1995, the American Society for Public Administration's Endowment Board established the Donald C. Stone Fund to honor the memory of this public administration legend. Income from this fund is used to sponsor a lecture or symposium at ASPA's national conference, which reflects Stone's varied interests and contributions to the field. This year marked the seventh Donald C. Stone Lecture. On March 26, Philip Rutledge was ASPA's Stone Lecturer and gave the following speech.  相似文献   

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McCray  Sandra B.  Jr. 《Publius》1987,17(3):179-194
In 1986, most of the centuries-old barriers against interstatebranch banking fell. By the end of the year, thirty-seven stateshad passed legislation authorizing some form of interstate branchbanking. Moreover, two federal judicial decisions had clearedthe way for interstate banking by restricting state regulatoryauthority over interstate branch banking when it is conductedeither through a shared-use automatic teller machine or by a"nonbank bank." These developments have dramatically changedthe nature of the business of banking, creating an entirelynew legislative agenda for states. High on the list of the itemsthat states must now consider are regulatory and tax parityamong competing financial institutions; multiple taxation offinancial institutions that do business in several states; taxavoidance by out-of-state banks; and out-dated jurisdictionalstandards.  相似文献   

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Mr. Natural     
Paul Burkett: Marx and Nature: A Red and Green Perspective. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1999.

James O'Connor: Natural Causes: Essays in Ecological Marxism. New York: Guilford, 1998.  相似文献   

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ABSTRACT

After more than fifty years of conflict, in 2016 a peace agreement was signed by the Colombian government and the leftist group FARC. The agreement created important opportunities for addressing historical inequalities. However, some of the aspirations of the peace agreement may be too ambitious and generate expectations that exceed the capacities of existing state institutions. In addition, there has been opposition by political and social actors. This article examines the challenges to building a comprehensive and inclusive social contract through the lens of two ‘core conflict issues’: land, and illicit crops and the drug trade.  相似文献   

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The assumption of this article is that the “second great transformation” proposed by global actors parallels the one advanced by those who resisted laissez‐faire capitalism in the 19th century. Both dispute the unilateral imposition of a new planetary order and endeavor to modify the rhythm and direction of economic processes presented as either fact or fate. In doing so, they effectively place the question of the political institution of this order on the agenda. I look briefly at the familiar underside of globalism and then move on to develop a tentative typology of initiatives that set the tone for a politics of globalization. These include radical and viral direct action, the improvement of the terms of exchange between industrialized and developing countries, the expansion of the public sphere outside national borders through global networks, the accountability of multilateral organizations, and the advancement of democracy at a supranational level. Participants in these initiatives take politics beyond the liberal‐democratic format of elections and partisan competition within the nation‐state. They exercise an informal supranational citizenship that reclaims—and at the same time reformulates—the banners of social justice, solidarity, and internationalism as part of the public agenda.  相似文献   

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In a recent article Jürgen Habermas (1999) highlighted the potential for the European Union to act as a vehicle for the extension of democratic governance beyond the nation state, a project aimed at limiting the socially corrosive impact of globalisation. Yet this position appears paradoxical as the European Union itself exacerbates a major aspect of globalisation: the emasculation of national parliaments known as the 'democratic deficit'. This paradox can be understood by analysing the dynamics of post-war European integration through the lens of Habermasian social theory: EU evolution can lead either to the colonisation of the lifeworld by market and administrative subsystems (as with the democratic deficit), or to a process of lifeworld rationalisation conducive to pan-European solidarity and democracy. The latter of these tendencies could be encouraged through 'procedural democracy': this would institutionalise the conditions by which independent associations in European civil society, channelling their 'communicative power' through parliament, might reassert control over the two subsystems. In order to retain legitimacy, procedural EU democracy would have to link existing legislatures to the European Parliament, while citizenship would combine national and civic components. Hence the European Union would be more able than the nation-state to combine universal notions of justice with ethical pluralism.  相似文献   

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In opening the discussion on Mr Gleeson's paper, Professor Murray Stewart (Urban Research Unit, University of Bristol) suggested that the United Kingdom had now much experience of "managing with less". "Corporate planning" had its limitations, especially when cutbacks were involved. Then people retreated into their departmental shells to protect their own interests. In Britain planning units were to some extent in disgrace and there was more stress on making use of existing departments and ad hoc working groups. It was also beneficial to focus more attention on the impact of programs on particular client groups or areas. This was useful to the politicians, as it focused on what was of electoral concern, and it also helped departments to work together. One of the worst failures in British capital budgeting had been failure to "monitor" programs. He echoed all that Mr Gleeson's paper said about the role of politicians. There had to be much more debate between politicians and officials at an early stage in the decision-making process. This was better done through working parties and discussions on specific cases, rather than more diffuse contacts.  相似文献   

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郭媛媛 《学理论》2010,(22):165-166
《傲慢与偏见》是英国女作家简·奥斯汀的代表作,小说塑造了许多栩栩如生的人物,贝内特先生就是其中之一。运用语用学中的礼貌策略就《傲慢与偏见》中的贝内特先生的言语行为考察他的交际策略,并就五种礼貌策略提出相应的事例,以期领略作者用于人物塑造、情节处理等的艺术手法,从而准确把握人物的性格特点,加深对小说的理解。更深刻地认识奥斯汀作品的精髓,提高对文学作品的鉴赏力。  相似文献   

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For many years, black nationalists have tried to reopen the investigation into the FBI's COINTELPRO (COunter-INTELligence PROgram), which served to disrupt and destroy the black liberation movement and other progressive movements in the US. On September 14, 2000 in Washington, DC, Congressional Representative Cynthia McKinney (D-Georgia) convened a "brain trust" on this subject as part of the Congressional Black Caucus' Legislative Conference, a yearly series of forums and panel discussions on issues of importance to the communities represented by the Caucus. The title of the McKinney panel was "Human Rights in the United States: The Unfinished Story of Political Prisoners/Victims of COINTELPRO." Six panelists presented information on the history of COINTELPRO and its relevance to the cases of the approximately 100 + political prisoners in US custody at this moment. Some of these prisoners have served 30 or more years; all have exceedingly long sentences. While the US government denies that it holds any political prisoners, the facts of the cases—and the connection of many cases to COINTELPRO operations—indicate otherwise. Several current and past political prisoners, most notably Jalil Muntaqim (Anthony Bottom) and Dr. Mutulu Shakur, along with released political prisoner Herman Ferguson, have consistently urged that the illegalities committed under COINTELPRO be examined further, and that compensation be made to the victims of these acts. The panel presentations excerpted below all point to the necessity of such an examination—and of releasing all of the US-held political prisoners in order to redress the crimes committed against progressive political movements under the aegis of COINTELPRO and other FBI counterintelligence programs. The significance of this issue to the community was illustrated by the tremendous crowd that gathered and participated in the discussion following the panel.  相似文献   

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