An ACIR Perspective on Intergovernmental Institutional Development

This article traces the creation and demise of the U.S. Advisory Commission on Intergovernmental Relations (ACIR) and assesses the prospects for restoring an ACIR‐like capability to the federal system. Recent initiatives by the National Academy of Public Administration, the Big 7 state and local government official associations, and Congress are summarized, and the facilitating and inhibiting factors associated with intergovernmental institutional development are examined. At least three ingredients in the formula that gave birth to the ACIR in 1959 will need to be present more than 50 years later: (1) support from congressional champions, the president, and public interest groups; (2) visibility and urgency of intergovernmental fiscal and management issues and the need for a permanent intergovernmental presence to address them; and (3) “homework and spadework” to enlist potential conservative and liberal interest group and think tank backers.     

Reflections on the Spirit and Work of the U.S. Advisory Commission on Intergovernmental Relations

What did the U.S. Advisory Commission on Intergovernmental Relations (ACIR) accomplish before it was disbanded in 1996? Were its accomplishments sufficiently valuable to justify reestablishing the organization? This article reviews the commission’s origins, history, and accomplishments, and addresses future intergovernmental needs. The ACIR’s accomplishments were substantial, but are largely unavailable today. Lessons learned from the ACIR suggest the need to (1) recreate a network of intergovernmental advocates within the legislative and executive branches of the federal government; (2) restart the information flows and high‐level federal, state, and local policy dialogues that withered after the ACIR’s demise; (3) strengthen boundary‐crossing institutions capable of addressing metropolitan and multistate problems; and (4) develop new opportunities to achieve public policy outcomes that can be attained only by the cumulative efforts of federal, state, and local governments working together—often with private parties as well.     

Reflections of a Member of the U.S. Advisory Commission on Intergovernmental Relations

There is consensus on the need for a successor to the U.S. Advisory Commission on Intergovernmental Relations in Washington, D.C., but no agreement on how this entity should be organized and funded and what it should do. There are now many players, both organizations and individuals, in the intergovernmental field, and they need to be sorted out. A key distinction is that American federalism is both an idea and an interest, and a new ACIR should focus on the former as a neutral, independent body with informational, convener, educational, and dissemination functions. We should encourage a discussion and debate on what the new ACIR should be and how it should be structured in order to bring federalism and intergovernmental relations back to the table in Washington.     

Homeland Security Preparedness: The Rebirth of Regionalism

The homeland security mission has placed many new demands onthe U.S. system of federalism. The successful implementationof homeland security policy requires cooperation among all levelsof government—federal, state, and local. Regionalism offersa powerful tool for encouraging greater intergovernmental cooperationand improved homeland security preparedness. We assess the impactof regionalism on intergovernmental cooperation and the implementationof the homeland security mission in Florida, an early proponentof the regional approach. From a regional perspective, we evaluatehow intergovernmental complexity, the quality and quantity ofintergovernmental networks, and security vulnerabilities contributeto perceived improvements in intergovernmental cooperation andhomeland security preparedness. The results of a 2004 mail surveyof city and county officials suggest that regional organizationalstructures are most effective in promoting intergovernmentalcooperation and preparedness where the intergovernmental landscapeis the most complex and where security vulnerabilities are themost intense.     

ISTEA and the Role of MPOs in the New Transportation Environment: A Midterm Assessment

This article undertakes a modest midterm assessment of MetropolitanPlanning Organizations (MPOs) under the Intermodal Surface TransportationEfficiency Act of 1991 (ISTEA). The focus is on the role ofthe MPO, emphasizing its intergovernmental context. Two major sources of primary data are used: (])a national surveyof MPOs, completed in March 1994, and (2) an ACIR study of eighteenMPOs in twelve U.S. regions. The article addresses decentralization of transportation policyto regional MPOs, local policymaking and decision authority,intergovernmental issues under ISTEA, and what lies ahead forMPOs. The article concludes that ISTEA has brought a great dealof change to MPOs. The data suggest that ISTEA is having somesuccess: decentralization is taking place; more stakeholdersare getting involved; public involvement programs are becomingmore common; and greater attention is being given to air quality,intermodal issues, long-range planning, and intergovernmentalcoordination. However, most MPOs are encountering difficulties in implementingISTEA. They do not know how to do many of the new tasks assignedto them, and the intergovernmental links that ISTEA dependson are not yet forged solidly.     

State Spaceport Initiatives: Economic and Political Innovation in an Intergovernmental Context

State spaceports are an interesting example of intergovernmentalrelations because activities conducted at such facilities spanthe state, federal, and international realms. Five states—Alaska,California, Florida, New Mexico, and Virginia—are themost visible participants in the process. In this study, thesupporting rationales for such endeavors are discussed withinthe context of the broader contours of intergovernmental relations.The field is a product of the post-Cold War period during whichopportunities for state space activities arose due to changesin the national security environment. Three distinct but interrelatedexplanations are suggested for why the field has developed slowly,although during the past two years, progress in achieving goalshas begun to occur.     

American Federalism on the Horizon

The American federal system took some unpredictable twists andturns during the twentieth century. As a new century—indeed,a new millennium—begins, which trends are likely to continue,which are likely to dissipate? What issues pose the greatestchallenges for the intergovernmental system? This article plotsseveral possible paths along which the federal system couldtravel over the next decade. The fundamental issue in Americanfederalism is a perennial one: How will the balance of powerbetween the federal government and the states change? Otherkey issues facing American federalism are identified and theirlikely impacts examined. The article concludes with an assessmentthat the next decade in American federalism may be surprisinglyrobust.     

The Fiscal Consequences of Changing Federal and State Revenue Policies: The Case of Small Oregon Cities

This article examines the fiscal consequences for twelve, smallOregon cities of recent changes in federal and state intergovernmentalrevenue policies. Many small local governments have experienceddouble revenue reverses in recent years—reductions inown-source revenues because of economic decline as well as decreasesin intergovernmental revenues, especially federal aid. The twelvesmall cities are compared with all 241 cities in Oregon andthe 136 Oregon cities in the 1,000 to 49,999 population range.Using aggregate and interview data, a major finding is thatalthough stabilization and/or decline in federal-state revenuesharing and entitlement program funds have accentuated difficultlocal revenue situations, economic decline has been the moreimportant contributor to the fiscal stress of the twelve smallmunicipalities. Most of the twelve cities had limited fiscalcapacity—as indicated by low assessed property valuations—makingit difficult to produce sufficient revenue to meet basic publicservice needs. These cities were also unable to get citizenapproval of increases in property taxes.     

Empowerment Zones and Enterprise Communities: Reinventing Federalism for Distressed Communities

Assisting communities to stimulate investment and to createjobs as part of a federal-state-local government and private-sectorpartnership is a key intergovernmental objective of the Clintonadministration, consistent with its agenda of reinventing government.The Empowerment Zones/Enterprise Cities (EZ/EC) Program, enactedby the Congress as part of the Omnibus Budget ReconciliationAct of 1993, reflects other federalism themes as well, themesthat predate the Clinton administration. A shift in federalpolicy during the 1980s, away from places and toward persons,set the stage for the long and difficult path of the EZ/EC programthrough the Congress. During that same decade, many states enactedtheir own enterprise-zone statutes; these initiatives were partof a second federalism trend—the general resurgence ofstates. The EZ/EC program also demonstrates the persistenceof partisanship in intergovernmental programs; empowerment-zoneand enterprise-community choices announced by the presidentin December 1994 reflected Clinton's need to satisfy his traditionalDemocratic constituencies.     

Canadian Energy Policy in 1985: Toward a Renewed Federalism?

Since the 1984 election of Brian Mulroney in Canada, the federalgovernment has reached three important intergovernmental agreementsin the energy sector. These accords—concerning managementof Newfoundland's offshore resources, oil pricing and taxationin the western provinces, and natural gas pricing in westernCanada—are Mulroney's showcase examples of his "renewedfederalism. " While there has been an increase in the degreeof federal-provincial consultation, enhanced cooperation inthe energy sector has been greatly facilitated by changes inthe international energy situation. An examination of othersectors suggests that the position of the Mulroney governmenton the nature of the Canadian federation may not be much differentfrom that held by the government of Pierre Trudeau.     

Economic Considerations and Reagan's New Federalism Swap Proposals

Upon coming to office, President Ronald Reagan proposed a numberof programs collectively referred to as the New Federalism.These programs were designed to alleviate some of the problemswhich the president saw as plaguing the intergovernmental systemand to accomplish Reagan's goal of decentralizing authority.One of the most highly publicized and debated— indeed,probably the most controversial—aspect of the President'sNew Federalism package was the "Big Swap" plan. Both versionsof this plan, however, were bad deals for the states and theircommunities, and it would appear that several interrelated economicconcerns played a role in the opposition of many state and localofficials to these proposals. To demonstrate just how bad theseproposals were, the article documents the effect that inflationand recession had had on the fiscal health of state and localgovernments, and the projected impact that these plans wouldhave had on state and local revenue and tax systems.     

Politics and Constitutional Reform in Canada: A Study in Political Opposition

Political opposition in a federal system is particularly richand complex, involving not only political parties and pressuregroups, but constitutionally sovereign governments as well.This article examines political opposition in a federation througha case study of the mobilization of opposition to the CanadianConstitution Act. Introduced by the federal government in 1980,the Act proposed a series of important changes in the powersof Canada's ten provinces. The resistance offered by a numberof provinces, the two opposition parties holding seats in Parliament,and a handful of interest groups were sufficient to secure significantchanges in the Act. The analysis presented here demonstratesthe key role of provincial governments—and especiallyof provincial premiers—as oppositional actors, while indicatingthe importance of the courts and intergovernmental conferencesas sites where political opposition expresses itself in a federation.     

Life at the Bottom of the Fiscal Food Chain: Examining City and County Revenue Decisions

Any shifting of responsibilities from the state or federal governmentsto local governments would fall mostly on the shoulders of general-purposegovernments, namely, cities (municipalities) and counties. Thisstudy explores city and county revenue decisions associatedwith general funds—the governmental fund most likely tobe affected by state requirements for greater local financingresponsibility for new or devolved programs. The results suggestthat state control over local revenue authority affects decisionsregarding the imposition of financial burdens on residents,and that intergovernmental aid to cities and counties does notnecessarily mitigate those burdens. Despite evidence of healthyfinancial reserves, especially for cities, shifting responsibilitiesfrom the state to city or county governments could place citiesand counties in difficult fiscal positions. Given the importanceof own-source revenues to current budgets, and in view of thequestionable impact of intergovernmental aid on city and countyresidents' revenue burdens, questions persist about the abilityof city and county governments to maintain (and, if necessary,to expand) services during economic recession.     

County Compliance with North Carolina's Solid-Waste Mandate: A Conflict-Based Model

This article presents the findings of research on the implementationof intergovernmental mandates. A framework is developed fromempirical and theoretical work in conflict management to assessthe response of government actors in the implementation of aspecific mandate—North Carolina's Solid Waste ManagementAct of 1989. Our expectation is that the imposition of a mandateby the state on local governments would produce conflict andcontention, especially if the mandate is not accompanied byfunding. However, this study indicates that state and localgovernments may be able to overcome a single-minded concernfor their own interests and take on a problem-solving attitudeduring the implementation process. In addition, evidence indicatesthat county governments that take a problem solving approachare more likely to achieve the intended policy outcomes, producingthe potential for win-win results for the state and its counties.     

The Current Status and Roles of State Advisory Commissions on Intergovernmental Relations in the U.S. Federal System

During the 1970s and 1980s, a number of states created entities commonly called advisory commissions on intergovernmental relations (ACIRs). Although as many as half the states at one time or another supported an ACIR, only about 10 do so today. Relying on face‐to‐face and telephone interviews, e‐mail correspondence, website analysis, and mailed surveys of directors and other staff members of active and terminated ACIRs, this study reports on the organization and structure, staffing and finances, and activities and performance characteristics of the state ACIRs still viable today. The study attempts to identify factors that seem most related to successful performance of these agencies, as well as to the termination of the agencies. In conclusion, it speculates on the continued role of state ACIRs.     

Intergovernmental Management: Federal Changes, State Responses, and New State Initiatives

This article surveys state responses and new state initiativesin 1983 to three sets of successive federal changes in domesticpolicy. Collectively referred to as the New Federalism, thesechanges include the block grants and accompanying regulatoryreforms of 1981, the changes in Medicaid reimbursement policyof 1982, and the job training and development programs of late1982 and early 1983. Following a brief overview of these changesin intergovernmental management perspective, state responsesin 1983 are examined in three areas—policy development,policy and program management, and service delivery management.     

The Farm Crisis and the Future of Rural Local Governments

America's farmers are facing difficult financial times, andtheir problems are spilling over to rural local governments.Declining farm incomes and farm property values erode the localtax base. At the same time, demand for publicly provided servicesmay increase, creating a squeeze between falling revenues andhigher costs. This article documents the impact the farm crisishas had on local government tax bases in eight multi-countyregions in the Midwest. The impacts found, while severe, wouldgenerally be manageable in the absence of other shocks. However,when changes in the intergovernmental aid system–suchas the elimination of General Revenue Sharing and other cutsin federal aid—are factored in, local governments in agriculturallydependent areas can encounter financial stress. Higher taxesand lower service levels may permanently change the qualityof life in rural America.     

The U.S. Advisory Commission on Intergovernmental Relations: Unique Artifact of a Bygone Era

The U.S. Advisory Commission on Intergovernmental Relations (ACIR) befitted an era marked by low party polarization, bipartisanship, and cooperative federalism. Although the ACIR’s work was valuable, the growth of federal power, rise of party polarization, and the decline of bipartisanship, along with many other political, governmental, and social changes during its 37‐year life (1959–96), marginalized the ACIR to the point of political vulnerability. These historic changes make it unlikely that the ACIR will be resurrected in a comparable or partial form.     

Intergovernmental Politics in the Allocation of Block Grant Funds for Substance Abuse in Michigan

This article examines the intersection between federal programmaticgoals and state politics in the allocation of substance-abuseblock-grant money by the State of Michigan. The Alcohol andDrug Abuse and Mental Health Services (ADMS) block grant allowsstates more flexibility in allocating "Drug War" funds. TheADMS formula determines the amount of money going to Michiganbut does not determine the distribution of funds within thestate. An examination of the distribution of ADMS funding amongthe eighteen coordinating agencies in Michigan finds that neitherthe state nor the national formulas distribute funds in a mannerthat reflects substance-abuse deaths. Michigan's formula producesa result consistent with the federal formula, despite the separatestate and national formula negotiations. The process is notone of bargaining or even coercion; it may be described as mutuallyindependent decisionmaking—or parallel policies. Modelsof intergovernmental relations must be revised to include thepossibility of joint synergistic action without coordination.     

Item Similarity in Scale Analysis

A statistic—the similarity coefficient—is developedfor assessing the property that a set of scale items measuresone and only one construct. This statistic is rooted in an explicitmeasurement model and is flexible enough to be used in exploratoryscale analyses, even in small samples. Methods for analyzingsimilarity coefficients are described and illustrated in analysesof Stimson's (1991) policy mood data and Markus' (1990) popularindividualism items. The Appendix discusses the statisticalproperties of similarity coefficients.