福利国家中的社会经济压力和决策者——德国和意大利家庭政策的比较研究

德国和意大利的福利国家制度都是建立在深受基督教民主主义影响的欧洲大陆模式上的,强调以家庭为主的社会保障。但在近十多年里,两国在以家庭政策为代表的社会政策领域却呈现出不同的发展路径。本文运用历史制度主义理论对两国的这一差异进行比较分析后认为,社会经济压力能否对社会福利政策的延续或改变起作用,在于政治参与者是否达成认知上的趋同,从而把握住决定性的时机进行变革。     

美国残疾人就业政策的变迁

美国近百年的残疾人就业政策经历了以治疗残疾为特征的生存保障阶段,以强化职业康复和建设基础设施为特征的社会融合阶段、以消除就业歧视和完善工作场所为特征的权利扩展阶段以及以扩展自由和发挥潜能的潜能发展阶段.美国残疾人就业政策的变迁过程反映了不同时代总体物质生活条件和社会观念的内在关系及其对残疾人就业政策的影响.本文通过对美国残疾人各个阶段就业政策及效果的评述,结合新世纪美国社会经济发展形势对美国未来就业政策进行了展望.在新世纪,进一步扩展残疾人的就业权利,创造更好的无障碍社会生活环境与工作场所环境,充分有效地挖掘残疾人人力资源的创造潜力.将是美国政府未来的残疾人就业政策的发展趋势.     

试论魏玛共和国的社会政策

文章对魏玛共和国的社会政策进行了探讨。文章认为 ,魏玛共和国在社会政策上的发展是时代的产物 ,它在许多方面表现出质的飞跃 ,但同时也留下隐患 ,最终导致它的失败     

语言政策与国家利益——以印尼华文政策的演变为例

语言政策与国家利益存在内在联系.本文以印尼政府华文政策的演变为主线,主要阐述了苏加诺时代、苏哈托时代以及后苏哈托时代印尼国家利益的变化及其对华文政策的影响.语言政策没有独立性,其目标始终对应着国家利益的需要.     

解析当代英国执政党竞选中的福利主张——政党竞争与福利政策

政党竞选对国家政策的影响力是分析评价西方国家政治制度和政党作用的一个指标。本文选取英国执政党竞选时的福利主张作为分析对象,通过内容分类、对比分析执政党主张的差异和政治倾向性的变化,描述英国历次政党竞选中福利主张的发展变化。研究结果显示,英国两个执政党在竞选时提出的福利主张涉及福利行政管理和服务的主张多于福利制度和待遇水平,政党之间具有一致性的主张多于对立或有差异性的主张,在政府主导和市场化倾向方面的程度有所不同,但保持了共同的政策发展趋势。政党竞选和政党轮替都未对现行政策产生颠覆性影响,而是形成了相互继承和局部改进的格局。     

Labour and Epistemic Communities: The Case of 'Managed Migration' in the UK

How do new ideas flow through networks to reframe policy questions, and what role is played by the growing world of think tanks and policy experts? This article takes the remarkable shift in UK labour migration policy since 2000 and demonstrates how policy was redesigned by networks of actors working between and within the worlds of think tanks and government, including the Prime Minister's Policy and Innovation Unit (PIU), the Treasury, the Home Office and the Institute for Public Policy Research (IPPR). The article shows how different kinds of ideas and knowledge flowed through different actors and networks to influence the reframing of policy, using the epistemic communities hypothesis (ECH) as a theoretical framework for the analysis.     

The representational base of the Norwegian Labour Party in the 1930s

SUMMARY

The article charts the transformation of the Norwegian Labour Party, known by its acronym DNA, into a people's party. Having formed a government under Johan Nygaardsvold in 1935, in the election of 1936 the DNA reached out to almost everyone. The theme is the representation of social groups, and it is shown that the self-perceived base of the party as manifested in its propaganda and speeches went beyond blue-collar workers. In the elections of 1930 and 1933 the DNA addressed itself more often to smallholders and fishermen than to the industrial proletariat. Several writers have seen this as the key to its success, and have postulated that other Socialist parties should have copied this strategy. This article argues that there was a variety of reasons why European Socialist parties usually were not as successful as their Scandinavian counterparts. The British Labour Party did pursue the same strategy as the Norwegians, but for other reasons could not match their success. In spite of a comparative strand, the primary focus is on the appeals the DNA made in the three elections of the 1930s. The DNA's development along the road to representing all but the elite, and becoming hegemonic, is shown. The ideology of the party had only a small effect on whom it sought to represent.     

The Social Representativeness of German Party Membership

The present article empirically examines the social composition of German political party membership. In the first stage of the analysis, party members are compared with the total population and with voters. This makes it possible to identify potential deficiencies in the political representation of certain social groups. In the second stage, party membership is regressed on individual characteristics. This makes it possible to study cleavage structures. Since the empirical analysis includes data from the 2009 German Party Membership Study as well as from the 1998 Potsdam Party Membership Study, we are able to investigate changes over a period of eleven years. In light of the empirical findings, we then consider whether German parties are socially representative of the German population and their respective voters.     

从经济自由到社会公正——欧盟对自由流动劳动者社会保障的法律协调

自由流动是实现欧洲单一市场,进而实现经济一体化的基础。而劳动者的自由流动既有与其他生产要素相同的地方,又有自身的特殊要求,特别是只有保证在自由流动的情况下其社会保障权利不受到损失,劳动者才能有自由流动的积极性。但如何对成员国千差万别的社会保障体系进行协调,则是一个非常棘手的问题。欧盟在协调自由流动劳动者的社会保障权利方面已经有50年的历史,主要采取的是法律协调方式。本文分析了欧盟对自由流动劳动者的社会保障法律协调的历史发展、主要立法和原则、特点及其局限性,指出,尽管由于各种原因,欧盟对自由流动劳动者社会保障法律协调仍存在着一定的缺陷,但它具有其他国际机制所不具备的优势,有很多值得我们借鉴的地方。