小康社会的政治定位

政治文明是小康社会不可或缺的组成部分 ,全面建设小康社会的现代化进程要求把政治文明建设放到突出的战略地位上来。定位全面小康社会的政治文明要确立政治民主化、政治公开化、政治公正化、政治科学化、政治法治化、政治效率化、政治廉洁化、政治秩序化八个方面的政治价值指标。小康社会的政治文明建设应转移到制度文明的重心上来。     

变革社会政治稳定的选择

本文从政治稳定的变量分析、相对态分析以及现代化过程中政治稳定的分析中提出,要保证改革开放的深入进行和社会的持续发展,必须树立现代的稳定观.     

The IRI in Italy: Strategic role and political constraints

The ‘IRI‐formula’ (which describes the situation whereby a public body owns private firms) was originally based on a delicate balance of powers between political guidance and managerial autonomy. Towards the end of the 1950s, this balance was upset and replaced by a strong politics‐business connection: public managers and political groups exchanged financial support for political protection. The present IRI management is trying to regain its autonomy, but is constrained by a system framed by the former politics‐business connection. It is in a very delicate political situation, created by the attempts of the PSI to replace the DC in the central role of Italian politics.     

The political roots of domestic environmental sabotage

In this paper, we demonstrate that when environmentalist niche parties compete in a given constituency over a number of elections, but continually fail to win seats, then environmental sabotage becomes more frequent in that constituency. When mainstream tactics fail, radical tactics are used more frequently. Using a new data-set on the success rates of all Green Party candidates in US states, we show that environmental sabotage occurs more often when Green Party candidates fail to win even minor offices. This is true even when we control for other political expressions of environmentalism, such as interest group activity, and when we define ‘success’ through votes not seats. We discuss the implications of this for environmental politics, for social movements and democracy, and for political violence in the US.     

Corporate political offices in a rent-seeking society

This paper examines agent discretion that is a result of the structure of the legislative process. Based on several distributions of lawmaking powers, different games are analyzed in which players decide on regulatory policies. The analysis shows that agent discretion increases as lawmaking powers are differentiated and assigned to specialized players. Particularly, monopoly initiation power, which allows a player to act as a gatekeeper, has a substantial impact on discretion. Agent discretion will be even larger when these players also have heterogenous preferences. The framework that is developed in this paper permits comparisons across different political systems with regard to agent discretion and legislative control on policymaking.     

Reinforcement vs. change: The political influence of the media

The aim of this paper is to analyze competition between two ideological media outlets that want to influence their viewers so as to boot the number of votes for their preferred political party. We consider two ways of influencing viewers, which correspond to two prominent theories borrowed from the literature on Sociology: the “Reinforcement Approach” and the “Attitudinal Orientations Approach”. Our findings show that the aim of influencing viewers generally pushes media outlets to differentiate their opinions, and that the extend of this differentiation deeply depends on the viewers’ behavior. More precisely, we observe that if the viewers channel hop, media outlets end up differentiating their opinions more than if the viewers receive all their information from just one media.     

The political economy of regulatory change: The case of British merger control

This article aims to explain the broader evolution of British merger control. To this end it outlines a novel critical political economy perspective on regulation and regulatory change which differs from established political economy approaches, such as the regulatory capitalism/state perspectives, in three main ways: it places regulatory ideas at the heart of the analysis, it differentiates between different degrees of regulatory change, and it links regulatory change in delineated issue areas with changing power balances between fractions of capital and labor. The application of this perspective to the analysis of the evolution of British merger control provides some important new insights, most notably that the content, form, and scope of merger control in Britain have been deeply transformed in accordance with neoliberal ideas since the 1980s and that this process, which was part of a broader regulatory and ideational shift, was premised on the ascendancy of transnational capital.     

小康社会政治文明建设的指标体系

小康社会是物质文明建设、政治文明和精神文明协调发展的社会。政治文明建设是一个复杂的系统工程 ,一个社会是否达到小康 ,是否具有一定的政治文明水平 ,应该有一套相对客观和科学的指标体系来衡量。在当代中国 ,全面建设小康社会阶段的政治文明建设要求把坚持党的领导、人民当家作主和依法治国有机地结合起来 ,加强社会主义 ,健全社会主义法制 ,切实保障人民的各项权益 ,保持良好的社会秩序 ,全面推进执政党建设。     

Struggle for citizenship: interaction between political society and civil society at a Kurd refugee protest in Tokyo

This article analyzes a Kurd refugee sit-in protest staged in front of the United Nations offices in Tokyo in July–September 2004 and its implications for the interaction between political society and civil society. The refugees' protest is viewed as a moment where the line between citizens and non-citizens is redrawn. Citizens possess an exclusive right to political speech and action. Protests by refugees undoubtedly question citizens' monopoly of this right. By organizing protests, refugees, who do not have citizenship status, raise their voices, make demands, and thus request a right to speech and action. In doing so, they blur the line between citizens and non-citizens. In this process, how do citizens and refugees interact with each other? By using Partha Chatterjee's concept of political society, I examine the different tactics employed by the refugees, who are part of political society, and the citizens of civil society. The case shows that when different voices meet, the voice of civil society drowns the voice of political society: the refugees' tactics were de-legitimized by the citizens. This interaction suggests that encounters between citizens and refugees are not simply events where the refugees claim a right to speech and action, but that such encounters also involve citizens in effect struggling to secure their monopoly of the same rights.     

论社会转型期中国的政治稳定

政治稳定是社会各项改革和经济发展的基本保障,也是当代中国的最高利益.处于社会转型期的中国尤其如此.本文以政治稳定的涵义作为思考的起点,剖析中国在社会转型期的政治不稳定因素,并提出保持社会政治稳定的对策建议.     

政治稳定视野下的社会各阶层政治参与分析

近年来,随着我国转型进程的加快,社会各阶层的政治参与活动呈现扩大的态势,这在客观上对政治稳定构成了一定压力。本文分析了各阶层政治参与的现状与问题,认为必须重视改善政治参与的条件,提高参与的制度化水平,减少体制外的利益表达活动,才能达到改革、发展与稳定的动态统一。     

直接选举:市民社会和政治国家的互动渠道

我国的市民社会在不断成长、壮大 ,对政治国家的影响和诉求也日益增多 ,但是我国的市民社会和政治国家之间一直缺乏有效的互动渠道 ,本文认为 ,应该在更广的范围内推行直接选举 ,把直接选举作为我国市民社会和政治国家间的互动渠道。     

Religious policies in post-totalitarian China: Maintaining political monopoly over a reviving society

In the post-Mao era China’s society and religion are both becoming increasingly pluralistic. State policies toward religion are also evolving. Views of state-society relations as “totalitarian” exaggerate the state’s control; the civil-society approach overestimates society’s autonomy. This paper explains the state’s religious policies in terms of a “post-totalitarian” frame of reference. Religious organizations and the Communist Party share a reliance on ideology and organization to operate and survive, making them potential rivals. As a shrewd monopolist of organizational and ideological instruments, the state seeks to reduce the threat posed by religion, adopting differentiated strategies toward them as they revive. The state co-opts, tolerates, deters, restricts, or suppresses different religions or sects, according to each specific religion’s organizational strength, doctrine, and compliance with state authority. The state is thus able to prevent the rise of large, independent, and organized religious groups while leaving considerable space for religious activity. Dr. H. H. Lai is a faculty member the National University of Singapore who has researched on China’s state-society relations. The author would like to thank three anonymous reviewers for their comments and Mr. Kelly for his thorough and helpful copy editing.     

和谐社会视域下我国政治沟通机制的构建

完善和健全的政治沟通机制与和谐社会的构建具有内在的契合性.当前我国政治沟通机制在沟通主体、沟通过程和政治信息等方面存在诸多缺陷和不足,与构建安定有序的社会主义和谐社会的要求还有一定距离.因此要以安定有序的社会主义和谐社会为价值追求,以通畅而多元的政治沟通机制为路径选择,从沟通主体、法律制度和形式创新等方面完善政治沟通机制,推进社会主义和谐社会的建设.     

Beliefs of political leaders: conditions for change in the Eurozone crisis

Abstract

Leadership studies research reveals that political leaders’ beliefs affect their political and policymaking behaviour, especially in times of crisis. Moreover, the level of flexibility of these beliefs influences the likelihood that groups of leaders come to collective decisions. Insight into when and why political leaders do, in fact, change their beliefs is sorely lacking. This paper uses fuzzy-set Qualitative Comparative Analysis (fsQCA) to examine the antecedents of belief changes among 12 European leaders, all working in the realm of economic policy. Its findings reveal how increases in unemployment and unsustainable debt, as well as different government ideologies and increases in Euroscepticism lead to economic belief changes. In so doing, this paper begins to open the ‘black box’ of when, why, and under what conditions leaders change their beliefs.     

社会转型时期政治权力变迁规律初探

政治权力变迁是社会转型时期的一个重要表征.当前政治权力变迁的主要特征是社会价值系统对政治价值系统的不断渗透态势,公民政治参与意识的扩张以及社会转型所带来的部分社会成员对党的执政地位的认同感有所降低.这就造成了一定程度上的对政治权力的挑战,带来了以执政党为核心的政治共同体和社会共同体之间的博弈,导致了政治权力的变迁.为了有效地调控政治权力的变迁,就必须有一种机制把新生的阶层、团体等各种社会力量组织起来,使之与现存的政治秩序达到高度的整合状态.为此,要在巩固执政党权力的基础上,以制度、法规来规范控制权力的流动.同时对权力结构进行科学调整以开发政治权力资源,满足政治现代化对权力扩张的需求.并对党的意识形态进行有的放矢地调整与完善,以增强对群众的吸引力,夯实执政党的理论基础.     

Parties,the state and society in Greece: Continuity within change

The new Greek party system which emerged after the restoration of democracy in 1974 is characterised by a combination of features indicative of both continuity and change in comparison with the party system that existed before the military coup of 1967. This article concludes that in the present phase the contribution of parties to institutional consolidation and the stability of party identification, though not negligible, remains uncertain. It is likely to be influenced by variables both internal and external to the political system, relating to party interaction and to the relationship of parties with state and society.