正义的转向:从亚里士多德、黑格尔到马克思

作为西方伦理学的奠基者,亚里士多德把正义视作理性合乎德性的实践活动,强调那些形成正义倾向的事物来源于人自身的"我能成其所是"的德性,因此亚里士多德的正义是内向性的。黑格尔看到了亚里士多德内向性正义以"自我沉思"的方式追求正义的局限,主张以法权这一外向性维度完成正义实现的理性必然,但由于黑格尔缺乏对社会生产方式的研究和剖析,导致其正义理论仍然带有抽象性和片面性。马克思则通过对资本主义生产方式的深入剖析,发现了资本对劳动的绝对支配这一隐匿着的资本逻辑,主张无产阶级以革命实践的方式推翻资本主义私有制,从而既突破了亚里士多德的正义和德性的内向汇通,也超越了黑格尔的正义和法权的外向交叉,在历史和社会的生产方式变革中实现了正义的现实性。     

逻辑与西方形而上学的明证性

西方形而上学与逻辑的本质关联起源于语言上对系词的追问。逻辑学整体上可以分为无内容的逻辑与有内容的逻辑。无内容的逻辑即是以亚里士多德所创立的形式逻辑为开端,经中世纪经院哲学发展,在现代通过弗雷格、罗素、逻辑实证主义及分析哲学发展到顶峰的纯粹形式化的符号系统。它将形而上学消解于语言符号的结构分析中;有内容的逻辑以亚里士多德范畴论划分存在的不同等级为开端,近代经康德先验逻辑确立了范畴与感性直观的先天关联及黑格尔以思辨逻辑揭示了存在自身证成的内在机制。海德格尔以胡塞尔对范畴直观的描述为引线,在有限性的"此在"之在世存在的生存方式上,指出形而上学是逻辑学的基础而不是相反。马克思将通达形而上意义的辩证法复归人的感性实践,打破了辩证法的神秘性和理论性,澄清了形而上学逻辑的现实基础。     

对《〈政治经济学批判〉导言》若干问题的理解

本文对马克思在《〈政治经济学批判〉导言》中所涉及的几个重要问题进行了分析,例如:政治经济学研究的两条不同道路、对黑格尔辩证法的批判、"简单范畴"和"具体范畴"、对"劳动一般"的不同理解、历史与逻辑的统一。     

黑格尔《逻辑学》范畴推演思路及推理特征辨析——以“存在论”诸范畴的推演为例

《逻辑学》是黑格尔哲学体系的基础和灵魂,因此准确把握《逻辑学》纯粹范畴的推演思路及其推理特征是了解黑格尔思辨哲学本质的关键。以"存在论"诸范畴推演为例,以便准确把握黑格尔哲学思想的论证特征。     

切莫再把黑格尔的思想当作马克思的思想引证——对《哲学的贫困》中一段话的解读

马克思在《哲学的贫困》一书中说的“两个相互矛盾方面的共存、斗争以及融合成一个新范畴，就是辩证运动”这句话，本来是对黑格尔关于范畴的辩证运动及其构造体系的方法的概括，我国理论界有些人却把这句话当作马克思本人的思想加以引证。本文考察了马克思剖析黑格尔关于范畴的辩证运动及其构造体系的方法，说明了这句话不是马克思本人的思想，批判了黑格尔和蒲鲁东在哲学和经济学上的错误，并且分析了我国一些学者对马克思思想产生误解或曲解的原因。     

试析反思范畴在黑格尔《逻辑学》中的作用

在黑格尔的<逻辑学>体系中,反思范畴是本质论其他诸范畴推移转化的形式,是知性到辩证理性中的一个环节,是认识真理的方法.     

亚里士多德实践活动特点解析

作为西方实践哲学创始人的亚里士多德最早明确地着眼于实践来研究人的行为,使"实践"成为重要的哲学范畴和实践哲学的主题。探讨了亚里士多德所确定的实践范畴,认为其范畴指向的实践活动具有自主自由性、向善性和活动自身目的性三个主要特点,并说明其"实践"活动特点的缘起和其特点所具有的一定阶级的、历史的局限性,使我们在了解研究亚里士多德实践观的基础上能更好地理解、把握马克思主义哲学的实践理论。     

简析亚里士多德善的理念和人的德性

亚里士多德作为古希腊伟大的哲学家和伦理学家,他的伦理思想虽然历经千年,但其影响却是悠远而深刻的,其思想蕴含丰富的内容,对于德性伦理学的研究具有重要的意义。主要通过对亚里士多德善的理念、幸福和人的德性三个范畴做了几点简要的梳理和阐述,希望通过对善、幸福和人的德性的简要分析,从中得到对于我们当今社会在伦理建设方面的有益之处,对解决当今社会上可能存在的一些伦理学问题给予启示。     

"艺术终结"问题及理论思考

黑格尔哲学美学中的"艺术终结"问题成为了20世纪西方美学和艺术哲学的一个预言,一些重要理论家基于不同的文化语境对"艺术终结"的预言作出了不同的阐释,成为了当代关学和艺术哲学的热门话题.探讨黑格尔以来关于"艺术终结"问题可知,"艺术终结"问题是对不同历史时期艺术发展的不同诠释,体现的是艺术实践和艺术理论阐释的开放性,而不是作为一种人类活动的艺术的结束.     

马克思对黑格尔主谓辩证逻辑的批判和超越

辩证法是黑格尔与马克思的哲学思想的精髓。黑格尔通过批判和改造亚里士多德的主谓逻辑,为逻辑学融入了辩证法元素。他对传统逻辑的反思和批评,以及由传统主谓逻辑对主词的突出转换到对谓词的重视,实际上均根源于他的辩证逻辑之内在需求。从马克思的立场看,黑格尔把纯粹思维性和无任何规定性的Being作为起点与绝对的主体,并把其展开的过程把握为能动的"精神"对象性生成,这赋予了逻辑以动态性和历史性。事实上,"绝对精神"尽管有一个不断地生成和展开过程,看起来丰满无比,但这种丰满从来没有跃出过作为起点的Being或"绝对精神"的内在性自身:它缺少一个真实社会空间的维度。     

Polarized embrace: South Korean media coverage of human rights, 1990–2016

Past studies of human rights discourse have centralized civil and political rights over other types of rights, and have thus yielded a biased understanding of how human rights have evolved. This scholarship has also neglected the role of the political slant of reporting agencies in framing topics and issues covering human rights. This study offers new theoretical and analytical solutions to such limits by analyzing a newly compiled data corpus comprising 101,689 South Korean newspaper articles—both right- and left-leaning—referencing the term “human rights.” The analysis of the data led us to reach three conclusions. First, South Korean media coverage demonstrates that human rights as a cultural symbol expanded tremendously in the country during the 1990s and 2000s. Second, there was an a significant degree of shift among multiple categories and topics of human rights during 26 years of that period. Initially, civil and political rights dominated, but then gradually receded as economic, social, cultural, and social minority rights moved to the forefront. Third, we found substantial variation in categories and topics of attention between conservative and progressive news sources; that is, progressive news sources allocated substantially more discussion to diverse categories and topics than their conservative counterparts. These core findings lend support to imagery of a polarized embrace in which human rights are diffused yet in a highly polarized manner.     

The role of agency in cleavage formation

Abstract.  Through the analysis of Hungarian politics, this article demonstrates how parties become embedded in the social, cognitive and emotive structures of societies. The role of agency in cleavage formation is addressed, with a special emphasis on the mechanism through which political parties structure their environments. Next to the popularization of conflict perceptions and the consolidation of camp identities, the development of a more elaborate and segmented organizational structure is identified as an integral part of the process of cleavage formation. Such a structure enables parties to forge coalitions among previously separate social groupings and combine group interests into packages large enough to overcome institutional thresholds of power. The findings indicate that parties are potentially able to cross cleavage lines, re-structure relations within the party system and create new associations between party preferences, socio-structural categories and attitudes. Furthermore, parties seem to be able to alter the relationships between psychologically rooted attitudes and social categories. The study also shows, however, that deep-seated socio-cultural divides limit the power of agency even in new democracies.     

Diffusion models over the life cycle of an innovation: A bottom-up and top-down synthesis approach

The diffusion models tend to be tested individually in isolation and remain the same over time for the studied innovations in the literature. Moreover, there is growing interest to learn from other countries in our current age of globalization. Therefore, this paper chooses the innovation of public resources trading platforms in China to fulfill above literature gaps. We have examined key events and the issuances of related laws and regulations by Chinese governments. Our contributions are twofold: (a) Our analysis and results show that the diffusion models evolve over the different stages of a life cycle of an innovation, contrasting to the literature results that diffusion models remain the same for their studied innovations. Due to major diverse characteristics among different adopter categories over a life cycle of an innovation, we argue that it is appropriate and necessary to apply different diffusion models on different adopter categories, which is missing in the current literature. (b) We find a first bottom-up and then top-down synthesis approach as an effective, efficient diffusion process for both fitting local needs (i.e., effective) and adopting innovations rapidly nationwide (i.e., efficient).     

Buying National Ink

Abstract

Advertorials are paid messages in the media sponsored by organized interests to create and sustain a favorable political environment to pursue their respective goals. Advertorials, a form of outside lobbying, take two broad forms: (1) image advertorials designed to create a positive impression of the sponsor and a favorable climate of opinion, and (2) advocacy advertorials intended to win support for an interest's viewpoints on controversial issues. We analyze the population of 3,375 advertorials placed from 1985 through 2000 by organized interests to reach the mass audience of TIME, the most widely circulated and read weekly newsmagazine in the United States. Typologies of advertorials (11 categories), organized interests (21 categories), corporate and non-corporate economic interests (29 categories), and policy content (28 categories) are used to document over time the placement of advertorials, what types of advertorials are being used, what interests avail themselves of advertorial campaigns, which issue areas are receiving attention, what images and policy messages are being communicated, which organizations sponsor the most advertorials, and the timing of such political advertising campaigns. It is apparent by their popularity that organized interests consider advertorials to be an effective form of political communication. We find over time an increasing number of advertorials, an increasing number and diversity of sponsoring interest organizations, an increasing trend in the placement of image rather than advocacy advertorials, and a continuing but somewhat declining dominance by corporations and their associations.     

Does US aid buy UN general assembly votes? A disaggregated analysis

Using panel data for 143 countries over the period 1973–2002, this paper empirically analyzes the influence of US aid on voting patterns in the UN General Assembly. We use disaggregated aid data to account for the fact that various forms of aid may differ in their ability to induce political support by recipients. We obtain strong evidence that US aid buys voting compliance in the Assembly. More specifically, our results suggest that general budget support and grants are the major aid categories by which recipients have been induced to vote in line with the United States. When replicating the analysis for other G7 donors, no comparable patterns emerge.     

The problems and pitfalls of quantitative methods in urban analysis

The utilization of quantitative methods in urban analysis is a complicated endeavor faced with many serious problems. The purpose of this paper is to inventory and explain the problems and pitfalls in their utilization. Three types of problems are catalogued: conceptual/technical, administrative and societal. Within the first two categories, the problems are further dimensioned as either analytical or decisional in nature.The place of quantitative methods in urban analysis is discussed first. Problems and pitfalls are then defined, catalogued and ordered sequentially as they confront the urban analyst and policy-maker. An assessment of quantitative methods in urban policy-making is presented and the organizational factors necessary for implementing successful quantitative urban analysis programs indicated.Throughout a general perspective is maintained and specific examples are employed to punctuate general propositions.A modified version of this was presented at the 41st Annual Meeting of The Operation Research Society of America, New Orleans, Louisiana, April 1972.     

Aristotelian framing: logos,ethos, pathos and the use of evidence in policy frames

In this research note, we propose to complement the analytical toolbox for framing analyses with the categories of Aristotelian rhetoric. As our case, we analyse the function of the use of evidence in frame building in the context of Swiss direct-democratic campaigns preceding votes on smoking bans. Based on rhetoric, a frame can be considered to contain three interrelated elements: (1) political arguments (logos), (2) cultural symbols (ethos), and (3) emotional appeal (pathos). By comparing evidence-based arguments with arguments that do not refer to evidence, the research note illustrates that backing arguments (logos) by evidence increases their trustworthiness (ethos) but not their emotional appeal (pathos). We consider the Aristotelian categories a fruitful tool to enlarge existing framing research with regard to the use of evidence.     

事实、评价与决策——论题的类型分析

现有的逻辑理论虽然提出了论题必须明确的要求,却没有给出明确论题的方法。笔者认为,要做到论题明确,就必须对论题进行全面、深入的分析,这种分析可分为类型分析、结构分析和语义分析三个方面。本文就论题的类型分析进行了探讨,分别论述了事实性论题、评价性论题和决策性论题三种不同的论题。     

The Attitudes of Senior Public Servants in Australia and New Zealand: Administrative Reform and Technocratic Consequence?

This article is in the tradition of comparative international research conducted over recent years into changing political-bureaucratic role relations. Its focus is the attitudinal orientation held toward various dimensions of their work by senior public servants in Canberra and Wellington. In particular, it is concerned to gauge officials' tolerance for pluralistic politics, their programmatic commitment, democratic sensibilities, and identification with conventions of ministerial responsibility. The study draws on and develops into four the two categories of public servants identified by Robert D. Putnam during the early 1970s in Western Europe. The information generated may be used as a baseline for future surveys of a similar type, which could identify changing patterns of distribution among the four basic categories: Political Bureaucrats, Classical Bureaucrats, Traditional Bureaucrats, and Technocrats. The present survey shows some significant differences between senior public servants in the two cities. In particular, those in Canberra are less programmatically committed than their Wellington counterparts, and considerably more “elitist” in their attitudes to popular involvement in policymaking. In both capitals officials are proactively rather than reactively orientated, a finding that may run counter to reformers' beliefs in the predominance of “Sir Humphrey Applebys.” The article goes on to relate the survey findings to major public sector changes that have taken place in both cities since the data for this article was collected. It speculates that, especially in New Zealand (but perhaps less so in Australia), these changes will see the emergence of more strongly technocratic attitudes among top public officials. Such attitudes may not sit easily with expectations that senior public servants be both politically accountable and managerially orientated. Finally, the four categories used in this study are related to the “images” of political-bureaucratic role relations developed in other comparative research.     

我国自主创新与知识产权管理系统

从促进我国自主创新能力发展的战略目标出发,提出只有在深入分析自主创新和知识产权管理联系特征的基础上,才能设计系统有效的知识产权管理系统和政策。为此,主要通过文献研究,提出了包含产业类型、自主创新组织类型、自主创新层次、知识产权组合4个关键要素的知识产权管理系统模型。重点解决了自主创新管理和知识产权管理领域的重大理论难题,细分了产业类型、创新组织类型、创新层次,对自主创新理论发展和知识产权管理理论发展具有重要的开拓性意义,同时对实施国家知识产权战略具有长远的指导意义。