Proportional representation and a ‘fair electoral system’ for the United Kingdom

Most proponents of electoral reform in the UK argue that the current system is unfair to parties, because the outcome is invariably far from their norm of proportional representation. There is an assumption (almost always implicit and unconsidered) in their arguments that achievement of proportional representation would remove that unfairness, and that power would be allocated to the parties in the House of Commons commensurate with their proportion of the seats there. This paper evaluates that case and finds it wanting: proportional representation will almost certainly not bring with it proportional power ‐ though it may result in parties that are powerless under the present system having some power.     

A Bilingual Legislature? Question Period in Canada's House of Commons

One of the goals of Canada's official bilingualism policies is to promote the equality of French and English in Canada's federal institutions. The most visible federal institution is the House of Commons, and the activity that attracts the most consistent media coverage is Question Period. This article examines the evolution of the use of French and English during Question Period in the House of Commons over time by examining a random sample of debates from the 24th (1958–62) to the 39th (2006–8) parliaments. This article finds that the use of French in the House of Commons has increased over time and discusses several possible explanations. In addition, this article tests the hypothesis that there exists an informal norm in the House of Commons which holds that responses to questions should be in the same language in which the question was asked.     

REPORTS AND RESEARCH ARTICLES: The Office of Leader of the Opposition: An Examination of the Whitehall Version in the Commonwealth Caribbean

According to section 10 the Ministers of the Crown Act 1937 (1 Edw.8 & 1 Geo.6, c.38), the office of Leader of the Opposition was recognised insofar as it meant 'that member of the House of Commons who is for the time being the Leader in that House of the party in opposition to His Majesty's Government having the greatest numerical strength in that House'. The Speaker of the House of Commons would determine who that member of the House of Commons was to be if required. However, when it was time to create independence Constitutions for Jamaica and Trinidad and Tobago in 1962, the provisions surrounding the appointment of the Leader of the Opposition were modelled on the relevant provisions of the Ministers of the Crown Act 1937, but transferred the responsibility of identifying the Leader of the Opposition from the Speaker to the Governor-General. Both these and later Constitutions in the Commonwealth Caribbean have introduced additional criteria to be used by Governor Generals (in the nine monarchies) and Presidents (in the three republics) to determine the holder of the office of Leader of the Opposition as well as the performance of their functions in cases of delinquency or vacancy.     

Due North? Do American Theories of Legislative Committees Apply to Canada?

Several theories of legislative organisation have been proposed to explain committee selection in American legislatures, but do these theories travel outside the United States? This paper tests whether these theories apply to data from the Canadian House of Commons. It was found that the distributive and partisan models of legislative organisation explain committee composition in Canada. In many cases, committees in the House of Commons are made up of preference outliers. As predicted by partisan models, it was also found that the governing party stacks committees with its members, but this is conditional upon the strength of the governing party.     

Adding Value to an Arena Legislature? A Preliminary Examination of Topical Debates in the British House of Commons

The introduction of the topical debate mechanism in the autumn of 2007 sought to enhance the contemporary nature of debate in the British House of Commons and to increase opportunities for the participation of backbench MPs. Though experimental in the first instance, these debates have since become an entrenched feature of parliamentary life. This note seeks to assess the impact of topical debates on a legislature which has long been characterised by the strength of its plenary sessions. Analysis of the topical debates held during the 2007–08 parliamentary session demonstrates that topic selection has indeed been broad, examining issues of both national and constituency concerns. Whilst there has been no extraordinary change in the House, the use of topical debates by backbench opposition MPs in particular is significant and has the potential to add considerable value to the House of Commons as an arena legislature.     

Better Politicians: If We Pay,Will They Come?

While each election provides the Canadian House of Commons with a fresh batch of politicians, no consideration has been given to the question of whether the quality of politicians is improving. Yet improving quality has been the focus of several commissions urging increases in MP compensation. This article addresses the competence and compensation questions by asking whether changes in levels of compensation might make a difference to the educational qualifications of political leaders. We assemble a unique dataset of 1,291 federal politicians elected to the Canadian House of Commons from 1993 to 2011 and show that prime ministers do have a preference for more highly educated MPs when filling ministerial and other executive positions. Our findings suggest that certain subgroups of MPs, particularly educated women, may be attracted by upward shifts in compensation. We discuss the reasons for these effects and the relative importance of compensation in career decisions.     

Representation in Westminster in the 1990s: The ghost of Edmund burke

Why are ‘trustee’ notions of representation still invoked in the UK House of Commons in the 1990s? In answering this question this article analyses the premises of Burkean theory and the arguments that these premises are of little relevance in the late twentieth century. Despite these dismissals of trusteeship, Burkean ideas are still articulated in the Commons some 200 years after they were first voiced. The idea of trusteeship can prove extremely useful to justify the actions of representatives when those actions conflict with constituency ‘opinion’, party policy or the wishes of interest groups. Examples of the occasions when Burkean notions have been invoked in the 1990s are provided.     

Commons committee calls for more leadership and resources to fight AIDS in Africa

The House of Commons Standing Committee on Foreign Affairs and International Trade issues a report that concludes that the magnitude and urgency of the AIDS crisis in sub-Saharan Africa requires additional action and resources from the federal government.     

MPs and electoral redistribution controversies in Canada, 1993–96

The political careers of members of the Canadian House of Commons are filled with uncertainties and are comparatively short. One of the sources of political uncertainty is that which results from the periodic readjustment of electoral boundaries. The constituency boundary readjustment process following the 1991 census led to a particularly acrimonious conflict. This paper analyses MPs’ reactions to both the process and the ridings established by the boundary commissioners. Two main data sets are employed: a survey of English Canada backbench MPs to inquire into MPs’ attitudes about electoral redistribution and the record of MPs appearing before the Commons sub‐committee charged with hearing objections to the electoral map in the autumn of 1995. The two different analyses both point to a conclusion that MPs’ self‐interest, rather than principle or constituency characteristics, appears to determine MPs’ satisfaction with the process and their propensity to take action by objecting to the proposed boundaries during the House committee stage of hearings.     

Damming the sleaze: The new code of conduct and the outside interests of MPs in the British House of commons

The Nolan Committee on Standards of Conduct in Public Life was established in October 1994 and issued its first report in May 1995. Among its recommendations was that a code of conduct should be established for British MPs, enforced by the House of Commons, with the advice of a Parliamentary Commissioner for Standards. These recommendations were accepted and a Code of Conduct was subsequently approved by the House. The Code and its accompanying Guidelines have important implications for the working practices of MPs, especially in relations to their outside interests. On what grounds can paid outside interests be justified? How much is it a question of keeping in touch with the ‘real world'? How much is it a question of a necessary supplement to the parliamentary salary?     

Commons committee recommends significant increase in funding for AIDS strategy

A House of Commons committee says that current funding for the Canadian Strategy on HIV/AIDS should be more than doubled. It calls for designated funding for inmates and First Nations and Inuit peoples, and for HIV vaccine research. Finally, it says that more federal government departments need to become involved in the response to AIDS.     

Unsung heroes? The deputy speakers of the British house of commons

Despite the importance of the positions, the Deputy Speakers of the British House of Commons are notable in their lack of academic and political coverage. The historical lineage of the offices can be traced back as far as the English Civil War, and the positions of Deputy Speaker and Chairman of Ways and Means developed separately until their combination in the last century. They now provide important support for the Speaker, and can assume nearly all of his or her powers in their absence, and retain specific and important responsibilities of their own. Three analytical models of power can be identified in the Deputy Speakers, ranging from autonomous, semi‐autonomous to independent in the exercise of their responsibilities and six types can be identified in analysing the motivations for MPs to accept the position. The Deputy Speakers are an often overlooked aspect of the British House of Commons, and are still a haven for those MPs who seek to be ‘parliamentarians’ rather than seeking ministerial office. Within certain parameters the positions are a reflection of the British political system, and whilst existing largely for administrative utility, should enjoy greater recognition.     

Animal protection and legislators in Britain and the United States

This article considers the reaction of legislators to the emergence of animal protection as a political issue. A quantitative analysis of legislative behaviour in the House of Commons and the House of Representatives in the late 1980s and early 1990s reveals (mainly through the identification of a small but significant group of legislators willing to promote concern for animal welfare) that the growing societal concern for animals has permeated into the political institutions of Britain and the United States. Examining the characteristics of these legislators suggests, moreover, that the most significant variable is party label, with concern for animals being associated with parties of the centre‐left. It is further suggested that there are good reasons to suppose that this association is no accident and that ideologically, there is a fit between animal protection and the ideals of the left.     

The MP's Complaints Service

Over the last year, [X], your Member of Parliament, has tried to help thousands of people with their problems, who have either been to see him at his surgeries, come to the House of Commons, written or telephoned him. Local Conservative Party Pamphlet, 1986.     

Change of Political Allegiance in Parliamentary Life

Since Confederation in Canada and until the 39th federal general election of 23 January 2006, no fewer than 246 members of the House of Commons have changed political allegiance. This number includes only those in the federal portion of Canadian public life and only those in the Lower House of Parliament. At the time of writing, there were 16 Members of the House of Commons who, at one time or another in their careers, left one political party for another. The realities of floor‐crossing and the consequences of such an admittedly risky venture in public life must be assumed to affect parliamentarians’ views about the creation of rules, whether legal, political or mixed, in respect of changes of political allegiance. Through a close examination of the Constitution Act and other Acts of Parliament this article investigates whether such rules exist in Canada. It also provides an overview of recent attempts at codification and lessons learnt from foreign jurisdictions, such as South Africa and New Zealand. The article concludes by referring to Edmund Burke’s famous Address to the Electors of Bristol and observing that the logical consequence for current Canadian political life of Burke’s thoughts may be that a Member of Parliament must be free to vote according to their conscience and therefore may only be held to account to those who elected them until the following election.     

Keeping national parliaments informed: The problem of European legislation

Since Maastricht there has been a growing realisation in the institutions of the European Union, that the unfettered flow of information is vital to the health of the whole European project. Some moves have been made towards more transparent decision‐making, but progress has been slow and is limited by a culture which values confidentiality, particularly in intergovernmental negotiations. The free flow of information is especially important to national parliaments if they are to exercise any influence in the EU. The House of Commons Select Committee on European Legislation has recently pronounced the scrutiny system to be ‘in deep crisis’ because of chaotic decision‐making and a disregard for the rights of national parliaments. Many Westminster MPs feel frustrated by the difficulty of keeping track of EU legislation. The paper suggests that the ingredients of an improved information system already exist. A wealth of current information can be derived from EU‐related electronic databases and through direct links between the European Parliament and national parliaments. It proposes that a new current awareness service for the House of Commons, distributed via the parliamentary network and as hard copy, could focus information for MPs in a much more accessible way.     

The house of lords and the labour government 1974–79

An analysis of the legislative activity of the House of Lords during the period of Labour government between 1974 and 1979. At the time much of their activity was depicted as a clash between Lords and Commons, between the two chambers of the British legislature – one a ‘one‐sided, hereditary, unprized, unrepresentative, irresponsible absentee’ and other made up of the directly elected representatives of the people.

The author shows that the events during the period were in fact rather more complex than this, being more accurately portrayed as a clash between Government and Parliament facilitated by the House of Lords. In addition, the author points not only to the importance of the peers perceptions of the parliamentary situation at the time, what it was generally as well as at specific times and with regard to specific issues, and to the impact that this had, but also highlights the fact that the political complexion of the House of Lords is far more complex than a simple Conservative‐Labour dichotomy.

By way of conclusion it is argued not only that the activity of the House of Lords during this period provides ample evidence of the extent and nature of the work of the House, but also that the members were doing no more than their constitutional position provides for, namely to scrutinise and revise legislation – it was, as Bagehot observed, a Chamber of ‘temporary rejectors and palpable alterers’.     

Voting in the House or Wooing the Voters at Home: Labour MPs and the 2001 General Election Campaign

Part of Labour's strategy for winning a second full term of government at the 2001 general election in the UK involved encouraging its MPs, especially those holding marginal seats, to spend considerable time in their constituencies in the preceding years, contacting voters and promoting the party's cause. Given the size of its majority in 1997, it was able to afford for many MPs to be absent from divisions in the House of Commons. This article looks at the voting records of Labour MPs who stood for re-election in 2001 during the two preceding parliamentary sessions. It reports that backbench MPs representing marginal constituencies were much more likely to be absent from the House during the last session prior to the election. Those absences were also apparently related to their performance at the election: the more often they absented themselves from parliamentary votes in that session (compared to the previous session) the better their performance at the 2001 election relative to national trends.     

Political Dynasties in the UK House of Commons: The Null Effect of Narrow Electoral Selection

Does power persist within families? This article considers whether members of the UK House of Commons with longer legislative careers after 1832 were more likely to establish a political dynasty. Tenure can create opportunities to promote relatives. A regression discontinuity design for re‐election races helps to rule out the confounding influence of inheritable traits. There is no evidence for a causal effect of tenure length on establishing or continuing a dynasty. Established families may have constrained further dynasty development, explaining the null result of tenure.