民主的形式之惑

民主,代表着人类进步和社会发展的文明化程度,是现代国家的一个基本标志,是现代公民的普遍追求和基本权利。但在对民主的认识上依然存在着一些需要廓清的基本问题,厘清这些问题对中国特色社会主义民主建设不可或缺,民主的形式之惑就是其中之一。     

"三个代表":新世纪党执政合法性的生长点

合法性是社会成员对政治统治、政治管理的正当性的接纳和认可,是现代政治系统存续并维持长久生命力的基石。中国共产党建政以来,赢得了广大人民群众的衷心拥护和支持。“三个代表”思想是党面向新世纪、新阶段维护党的权威,巩固党执政合法性的重要资源。     

"三个代表"与中国共产党的执政合法性

努力寻求合法性认同 ,是中国共产党长期执政和加强自身建设的优良传统和经验总结。目前 ,中国正处于由传统社会向现代社会转型的战略机遇期 ,顺利实现社会转型和建设中国特色社会主义对我们党执政合法性的增强提出了权威和秩序的双重诉求。我们党必须认真面对执政过程中出现的合法性危机问题 ,积极加强自身建设 ,不断提高自身的政治权威和社会影响力 ,在主导中国社会发展中确保执政地位的巩固和持久。“三个代表”正是蕴涵着中国共产党这样一种高瞻远瞩的政治智慧和对执政合法性诉求的时代命题     

新时期巩固和加强中国共产党的执政合法性探析

本文从“合法性”概念来分析和探讨新时期中国共产党巩固和加强执政合法性的思路和途径,论述和分析了强化执政意识、改善执政方式和坚持执政为民的思路,并从执政的民主化和法治化、执政的科学化和高效化、执政的清廉化和公开化以及加强执政能力建设,促进三个文明发展的途径来巩固和加强中国共产党的执政合法性。     

试析我国政权意识形态合法性的确立因素

意识形态作为使特定政治秩序合理化的理论体系或认知体系 ,是政权合法性最为基础的来源。相对于制度规范、政绩等因素而言 ,改革开放前我国政权合法性更多建立在意识形态的基础之上。本文分析了我国政权意识形态合法性得以确立的原因和条件 ,认为历史负面合法性以及党在夺权中形成的对意识形态的“路径依赖”是意识形态合法性的历史原因 ;意识形态的社会化、政治全能型社会控制模式、人民群众对党和政府权威的高度认同以及领袖的卡里斯马权威等为意识形态合法性的确立提供了现实条件。     

实质民主与形式民主之争——20世纪社会主义与自由主义关于民主问题的分歧之一

自由主义式民主是一种形式民主,这一特征体现在:民主必须受到自由原则的约束;自由主义争取的平等始终只是法律面前人人平等;自由主义把民主作为一种政治方法与手段.可见,民主在自由主义理论中只是一个工具性的角色.社会主义诉求的实质性民主与自由主义建构的彤式民主有所不同:社会主义民主是日的与手段的统一;社会主义民主追求的是实际民主权利的平等.从实质民主与形式民主之争可以得出以下结论:民主与自由是社会主义民主与自由主义民主的不同的价值诉求.     

Multi-level governance in the EU and EU democracy: Democratic legitimacy,democratic accountability and transparency of the European offices of the English local authorities in Brussels

This paper seeks to examine the role and functions of the representative offices of English local authorities in Brussels by considering the democratic legitimacy (i.e. linkage to elected councillors or mayors), accountability and transparency of the office’s activities. The study demonstrates that the offices differ in their governance arrangements and funding, which has a direct impact on the approach to democratic legitimacy and accountability, noting that those offices which rely most heavily on direct funding from a single authority or a combined authority have the closest links to the authorities concerned. The transparency of the offices varies considerably, with clear distinctions between offices that are creatures of contract or where offices are an emanation of the authority concerned. The pattern here is less dependent on the pattern of funding of the office and depends more on the availability of resources and the approach adopted by the office itself.     

The national front in France and the construction of political legitimacy

The National Front in France has experienced a meteoric increase in support since 1981, attacting about ten per cent of the vote in elections at every level. The principal issues on which the party has won support ‐ immigration and security ‐ have become key domestic issues. This article analyses the rise of the party and the inability of the established parties of the right to maintain the confidence of their supporters. It also examines a process of construction of legitimacy in which political elites of right and left participated. Finally, an evaluation is made of the National Front's ability to maintain and expand its electoral strength.     

在哲学意义上的民主与独裁的同一性

绝对意义上的民主是每个人都能完整地实现自己的权利,成为独立自主的,独裁的人,这样的民主与独裁有某种共通之处,因为独裁就是每个独立自主的人汇成的共同体,这个共同体由一个独立自主者(独裁者)来代表所有独立自主者(独裁者)。这是一种理想状态,要达到这种理想状态,人类要经历漫长曲折的道路,必须要经历专制的、片面性的、异化的过程,只有当人类智慧和文明程度的进展克服了这个过程,民主与独裁才能达到完美的同一交融境地。     

The failure of the participatory democracy in the Czech republic

Following the breakdown of the Soviet system, the new East European elites faced the problem of defining and building democratic institutions. This problem was not a purely institutional one, however. During the transformation process, different conceptions of democracy appear and often become critical issues for political competition. Based on the Czech case, this article aims to understand how and why one particular conception of democracy becomes dominant during a process of regime change. Personified by the two ‘Vaclavs’ in the Czech political arena (Havel and Klaus), divergent perspectives on democracy exist in the Czech Republic, having concrete consequences for the practice of politics. These conceptions (referred to here as ‘participatory’ and ‘majoritarian') dramatically differ in their perception of the role of the citizen in a liberal democracy. This article identifies and describes these two different conceptions of democracy in the present and past Czech Republic. It explores the sociological conditions of their emergence in order to understand the failure of the participatory model of democracy with respect to the alternative, majoritarian, vision of democracy.     

转型期中国基层民主的特征和基层民主发展的政治意义

现在的中国正处于社会转型的伟大变革时代,基层民主制度和运作过程也在实践中不断突破既有模式的限制而在内涵上逐渐丰富,在外延上不断扩展,基层民主具有逐步扩展的体制内涵和特色鲜明的民主取向两个主要特征。我们着重从政治逻辑的视角讨论当代中国基层民主发展对当前建设政治文明所具有的意义和价值,则会发现中国基层民主具有为扩大公民有序政治参与提供平台、为上层民主发展提供动力和制度资源以及为培育民主的公民文化创造条件的政治价值及其意义。     

Political Ambivalence as Praxis: The Limits of Consensus in Habermas's Theory of the Public Sphere

This paper argues that ambivalence can serve as a proxy for consensus-based debates in public discourse as it allows for individuals to maintain flexible and analytic perspectives on matters that otherwise appear contradictory. In particular, an affirmative understanding of ambivalence will be presented to supplement the highly influential Habermasian approach by drawing from sociological theories of ambivalence found in the work of Simmel, Bauman and Ko?akowski. While the theme of ambivalence is not completely absent from Habermas’s work on the public sphere, it is typically described as a structural consequence of contradiction rather than a form of action that is capable of working with and around inconsistencies in ethics, knowledge and social values. This allows for participation to be sustained through contradiction, rather than being withdrawn in frustration, while also encouraging open-minded judgements capable of avoiding forms of fanaticism.     

The power of the proposal maker in a model of endogenous agenda formation

In a distributive setting, this study examines a voting procedure for which agenda formation is endogenous. It is found, not surprisingly, that agenda formation is another avenue for strategic manipulation of the voting process and provides the member to first take the floor an asymmetric advantage. What is surprising is the degree of this advantage. We find that the initial proposal maker earns a share of the fixed resource exceeding 1 - for an -majority rule and this is regardless of the number of members. The voting rule is found to be an effective instrument in at least partially offsetting the power of the proposal maker while maintaining the stability of the voting process.The author gratefully acknowledges the comments of Peter Aranson, two anonymous referees, and the participants of seminars at Georgetown and Johns Hopkins. This paper was presented under the title The Alternating Offer Model as a Voting Procedure at the 1986 Public Choice Society Meetings and the 1986 Summer Econometric Society Meetings. The comments of Dennis Mueller and David Starrett at those meetings are most appreciated. Any remaining errors are, of course, my own.     

Stakeholder consultations and the legitimacy of regulatory decision-making: A survey experiment in Belgium

Agencies consult extensively with stakeholders such as industry associations, nongovernmental organizations, and trade unions. One rationale for consultations is that these improve procedural legitimacy and lead to greater acceptance of regulatory outcomes by citizens and the regulated industry. While this presumption of a positive relation between stakeholder consultations and the legitimacy of agencies is widespread, research analyzing this relationship remains scarce. Using a survey experiment, we examine the effect of open and closed consultations on the acceptance of procedures and regulatory outcomes in the field of environmental politics. The results demonstrate that consultation arrangements positively affect the acceptance of decision-making procedures, especially when regulators grant access to different types of stakeholders. However, although the consultation arrangement itself does not directly affect acceptance of the regulatory outcome, procedural legitimacy matters, as it increases decision acceptance among individuals who are negatively disposed toward government regulation.     

党内民主的结构认知与路径思考

党内民主的结构形态和路径实现,是由三个形态和路径构成：党内民主意识－心理形态,通过培养教育的路径来增强;党内民主制度－规章形态,通过立章建制的路径来完善;党内民主行为－程序形态;通过刚性有序的路径来进行。充分认知党内民主的心理形态、党内民主的规章形态、党内民主的程序形态,对增强共产党员党性意识,践行科学发展观,推进基层党内民主建设,具有一定的现实意义。     

发展党内民主的新路径与着力点

<正>发展党内民主,是执政党建设理论创新的重点,是党的建设新的伟大工程和党领导的中国特色社会主义建设伟大事业相结合的关键。十七届四中全会通过的《中共中央关于加强和改进新形势下党的建设若干重大问题的决定》强调,"党内民主是党的生命,集中统一是党的力量保证。"并提出了发展党内民主的新思路。准确把握这一新思