Corporate Governance and Corruption: A Cross-Country Analysis

Because the empirical literature on the causes of corruption has focused primarily on the demand side of corruption, that is, the corrupt officials who receive bribe payments, the role of the private sector as the supply side of corruption has not been examined thoroughly in this literature. In this article, it is argued that corporate governance is among the important factors determining the level of corruption. Using a cross-country data set, hypotheses that explicitly link various measures of corporate governance to the level of corruption are tested. The results show that corporate governance standards can have profound impacts on the effectiveness of the global anticorruption campaign.     

Groups,Growth and Trust: Cross-Country Evidence on the Olson and Putnam Hypotheses

Olson (1982) and Putnam (1993) providesharply conflicting perspectives on theimpact of private associations on economicwell-being and social conflict. Olson(1982) emphasized their propensity to actas special interest groups that lobby forpreferential policies, imposingdisproportionate costs on the rest ofsociety. Putnam (1993) viewed membershipsin horizontal associations as a source ofgeneralized trust and social ties conduciveto governmental efficiency and economicperformance. Using cross-country data,this paper investigates the impact ofassociational memberships on generalizedtrust and economic performance, findinglittle support for Olson's view of theimpact of groups, and only mixed supportfor the Putnam perspective.     

The Janus Face of Europeanisation: Explaining Cross-Sectoral Differences in Public Utilities

Although policymakers have sought to liberalise network-based utilities, a more detailed look at privatisation pathways reveals remarkable sector-specific differences. This article examines why efforts to privatise public utilities have differed so greatly in the telecommunications, postal, and railway sectors. By estimating probit models, it is demonstrated that firm characteristics and sector-specific EU integration account for cross-sectoral differences in privatisation. More specifically, governments dispose of the most efficient firms first to maximise revenues from privatisation sales with low political costs. Regulations at the European level pushed governments to privatise their national postal providers, while privatisation in the telecommunications sector is a global trend. In the railway sector, exceptional clauses and regulations have decelerated privatisation.     

Corporatization in the Public Sector: Explaining the Growth of Local Government Companies

The creation of companies by local governments to provide public services—referred to as “corporatization”—is an example of systemic public entrepreneurship that is popular across the world. To build knowledge of the antecedents of public sector entrepreneurship, the authors investigate the factors that lead local governments to create companies for public service delivery. Using zero-inflated negative binomial regressions to analyze secondary data from 150 major English local governments for 2010–16, the authors find that governments with higher levels of grant dependence and debt dependence are more involved in the creation and operation of companies, as are larger governments. Further analysis reveals that very low and very high managerial capabilities are strongly associated with more involvement in profit-making companies, while local government involvement in companies is more prevalent in deprived areas. At the same time, government ownership of companies is more common in areas with high economic output.     

The Tiebout Hypothesis 50 Years Later: Lessons and Lingering Challenges for Metropolitan Governance in the 21st Century

More than five decades have passed since Charles Tiebout wrote his seminal 1956 paper, often cited as the classic apologetic for locally based systems of metropolitan governance. This essay traces the impact of Tiebout's work and subsequent scholarship in public choice, identifying important lessons and lingering issues. Although public choice has demonstrated that polycentric systems are adept and flexible in producing and providing municipal services and a variety of interlocal agreements, the presence of municipal boundaries gives rise to a host of spillover problems, such as urban sprawl and segregation. These spillovers are particularly nefarious because, unlike the natural cooperation that seems to occur in service provision, municipalities tend to assert narrow self-interest in the face of these types of externalities. The essay proposes that, commensurate with the growing salience of equity among the pillars of public administration, interjurisdictional spillovers and their attendant equity impacts will be the central challenge for thinkers studying metropolitan governance in the 21st century.     

Productivity Growth and the Political Economy of Social Security

The present paper provides an analysis of unfunded social securityas the outcome of a public decision making process in an endogenousgrowth economy. It employs a model in which there is a non-monotonic relationship beween productivity growth and the scale ofpublic intergenerational redistribution. The paper shows thatalthough unfunded social security need not harm growth in general,it is likely to harm growth in a democracy. This effect isreinforced by population aging.     

Governance in Government: A Modest Proposal

This article recalls evidence in the Hutton and Butler reports about changes in decision-making procedures in government, including the role of Cabinet and of the Cabinet Office in supporting collective decisions; and the failure to circulate papers on Iraq to Cabinet or to use a cabinet committee. The government`s response has been largely intelligence-specific and evades the wider criticisms. This article makes the modest proposal that Parliament should impose standards of governance on governments that broadly match those already imposed, with government support, on the boards of private sector companies (based on the Combined Code of Corporate Governance and the Companies Act 1985). It would make sense for the Select Committee on Public Administration to work out and publish a specific proposal. The government would be asked to report after a year on action taken to improve governance standards. This proposal should be pursued after the election.     

Explaining voter turnout: A meta-analysis of national and subnational elections

Research about voter turnout has expanded rapidly in recent years. This article takes stock of this development by extending the meta-analysis of Geys (2006) in two main ways. First, we add 102 studies published between 2002 and 2015 to the initial sample of 83 studies. Overall, we document only minor changes to the original inferences. Second, since different processes might conceivably play at different levels of government, we exploit the larger sample to separately analyse the determinants of voter turnout in national versus subnational elections. We find that campaign expenditures, election closeness and registration requirements have more explanatory power in national elections, whereas population size and composition, concurrent elections, and the electoral system play a more important role for explaining turnout in subnational elections.     

The Birth and Growth of the Social Insurance State: Explaining Old Age and Medical Insurance Across Countries

We examine the factors leading to creation and growth ofnational Old-Age Insurance (OAI) and Health Insurance schemes.None of the theories we test fit the data very well. There isweak evidence that the probability of adopting a systemdeclines in a country's wealth and in the ethnic heterogeneityof its population. Catholic countries are more likely tocreate earnings-related OAI systems. The growth of OAIspending since 1960 has varied considerably across countries,with fast growth in countries emerging from dictatorship andnon-English speaking countries. We conclude that socialinsurance can be politically expedient for many differentreasons.     

Can Decentralization Limit Government Growth? A Test of the Leviathan Hypothesis for the Indian Federation

Decentralization in India has only recently gained momentum,particularly with the 73^rd and 74^th amendments in 1992, whichextended constitutional recognition to local governments. Againstthis backdrop, this article examines the Leviathan hypothesisput forth by Brennan and Buchanan for the Indian economy. Thehypothesis asserts that total government intrusion into theeconomy should be smaller when taxes and expenditure are decentralized.A caveat to the Leviathan hypothesis is the Collusion hypothesis,which suggests that the disciplining impact of decentralizationcan be nullified if revenue decentralization does not keep pacewith expenditure decentralization and if there is an increasein dependence on intergovernmental grants. Empirical testingfor the Indian federation vindicates both hypotheses, thus suggestingthat a two-pronged strategy is required if government growthis to be checked. More effort must be made to strengthen localbodies. This must be accompanied by a close look at intergovernmentaltransfers and by an attempt to restrict their growth.     

整体性治理与分散性治理:公共治理的两种范式

以"部门的合并还是拆分"为参照系可以将公共治理分为整体性治理和分散性治理两种范式。整体性治理主张建立较少数量的大部门以强化合作,以此解决政府改革所引发的空心化和碎片化问题。分散性治理则认为只有建立更多较小的部门以强化专业性和针对性,才能在日益多样化的政府组织形式下实现公共利益。整体性治理与分散性治理有共同的目标追求,但在具体路径选择上分道扬镳。良好的治理需要超越非此即彼的逻辑,实现不同治理模式的整合。     

Federal Expenditure and Fiscal Illusion: A Test of the Flypaper Hypothesis in Australia

Despite the fact that there are strong a priori grounds forpresuming that the intergovernmental grants characteristic offiscal federalism in Australia may generate fiscal illusion,no empirical effort has been directed at this line of inquiry.The present article seeks to go some way toward remedying thisdeficiency by evaluating the flypaper variant of the fiscalillusion hypothesis using a time-series analysis of AustralianCommonwealth expenditures for 1981 to 1992. The results of theseestimations provide some tentative empirical support for theexistence of a flypaper effect on public expenditure in Australiafor the period under review.     

Interest Groups and Investment: A Further Test of the Olson Hypothesis

Mancur Olson's institutional sclerosishypothesis may be evident in the effects ofinterest groups on investment in physicalcapital. To test this proposition, we usecross sectional data on 42 countries forwhich information on the number of interestgroups is available to estimate the effectof those groups on the share of GDP thatgoes into physical investment. The resultsindicate that interest groups have adifferent effect on physical investment inOECD and non-OECD countries. In the OECDcountries, we find support for thehypothesis that interest groups harminvestment in physical capital. Indeveloping countries, interest groupseither have no effect on physicalinvestment or they have a slight beneficialimpact.     

A Contagious Concept: Explaining the Spread of Privatization in the Telecommunications Sector

Qualitative studies suggest that the spread of privatization of public utilities is due to a change of the economic paradigm and institutional isomorphism pressures. However, current quantitative studies mostly account for domestic factors. These factors can explain differences in national privatization trajectories but cannot explain the large trend. Based on a quantitative analysis of privatizations in the telecommunications sector in 21 OECD countries, the article argues that emulation pressures can explain the trend toward privatization. The analysis suggests that privatization gained legitimacy as more and more governments emulated privatization policies they observed in countries they perceived as similar. However, the article finds no evidence of cross‐sectoral diffusion. Thus, according to the analysis, telecommunications privatization diffused within the same sector between countries, but not within the same country between different sectors.     

Explaining Media Attention for Norwegian MPs: A New Modelling Approach

This article provides a new perspective on why the quantity and tone of media coverage vary between groups of politicians. The analysis makes three key distinctions: first, between the volume of reporting and its tendency; second, between attention‐seeking politicians and blame‐avoiding politicians; and third, between attention due to characteristics of media outlets and those of politicians. These distinctions, along with a comprehensive dataset and a multilevel analysis approach, comprise the building blocks of an empirical analysis of press coverage devoted to Norwegian parliamentarians between 2001 and 2005. The results suggest that politicians who appear regularly in the newspapers, such as party leaders and long‐serving MPs, face a greater amount of negative media coverage than those who do not. Female MPs receive less, but more positive, coverage. Reporting by the tabloids is more negative than that of other newspapers, especially with regard to party leaders.