东中欧:黎明之后——东欧巨变后带来的烦恼

东欧现在是东中欧。1989年的欣快感已让位于黎明之后的烦恼。去年,和平革命的共同目的——人民联合起来反对共产党权力的垄断——已为混乱、分裂和失望所取代。混乱的产生是因为斗争不再是“我们”和“他们”之间进行,而是在我们中间进行。在波兰,团结工会已不团结。由于斯洛伐克要求自治的压力,捷克斯洛伐克已改名为捷克和斯洛伐克联邦共和国。在匈牙利,更多关心在邻国中匈族人命运的人与着重考虑塑造欧洲所欢迎的政治和经济     

区域价值链视角下的中东欧国家经济转型——以波兰、匈牙利、捷克和斯洛伐克为分析对象

本文以区域价值链为视角,分析研究了中东欧波兰、匈牙利、捷克和斯洛伐克四国在全球与欧洲区域价值链中的位置与角色,包括其进出口产业结构和行业价值链特征。通过研究发现,以德国为核心的欧洲区域价值链构建是中东欧四国经济转型成功的必要前提,中东欧四国既有的产业配套基础、开放的市场与适度的劳动力技能,是其融入以德国为核心的区域价值链的充分条件,中东欧四国搭载与融入德国产业链推动了经济转型的成功。关于中东欧经济转型的研究成果显示,中东欧四国通过制造业产业融入全球和区域价值链所取得的成就,证明了实体经济与中高端制造作为国家经济"压舱石"的重要性,而如何迎接新技术革命的挑战,以研发和创新维护和提升自身在全球与区域价值链中的能力,成为中东欧四国继续转型与发展的新问题。     

"贝奈斯公式"与1943年苏捷条约——兼论战后苏联对中东欧政策的缘起

慕尼黑事件发生后,贝奈斯重新思考捷克斯洛伐克在东西方之间定位的问题,提出了使捷克斯洛伐克充当"东西方桥梁"的思想。苏德战争爆发后,苏联和英国在缔结苏英同盟条约谈判的过程中,围绕战后捷克斯洛伐克的命运问题展开了争论,斯大林作出了抛开分歧,未来将以武力解决的决定。1943年斯大林格勒战役结束后,捷克斯洛伐克由苏联解放的前景渐趋明朗,贝奈斯从捷克斯洛伐克的利益出发,下定决心一定要同苏联签订条约。针对英国的反对意见,斯大林建议在苏捷条约中加入今后波兰加入条约的可能性的规定。苏捷条约充分体现了大国之间协调利益而决定小国命运的战后国际关系的特点。     

简论东欧四国的多党合作制

在东欧社会主义国家中,波兰、保加利亚、德意志民主共和国、捷克斯洛伐克仍然存在着多党合作体制。在这些国家中,除了占居主导地位的共产党(工人党)外,还存在着一些民主政党。长期以来,它们合作共事、同舟共济,形成了独具特色的多党联合体制。在波兰、除了波兰统一工人党,还有统一农民党和民主党。在民主德国、除了德国统一社会党之外,还有民主农民党、国家民主党、自由民主党和基督教民主联盟。在捷克斯洛伐克,除了捷克斯洛伐克共产党之外,捷克斯洛伐克人民党、捷克斯洛伐克社会党、斯洛伐克自由党和斯洛伐克复兴党也在起作用。:在保加利亚、与保加利亚共产党同时起作用的还有保加利亚农民联盟。     

捷克和斯洛伐克解体原因探析

1989年底,捷政局剧变。时过3年,1992年12月31日捷克和斯洛伐克联邦共和国正式分家,联邦国家不复存在。具有70多年历史的统一国家缘何又分道扬镳?这确是值得人们深思的问题。 一、长期历史积怨,埋下隐患 原捷克和斯洛伐克联邦共和国,是位于欧洲中部的一个内陆国家,北邻波兰,东与乌克兰交界,南同匈牙利、奥地利相连,西与德国接壤。西部为捷克高地,东部是喀尔巴阡山地。     

八十年代的捷克斯洛伐克

法共中央机关刊物《共产主义手册》一九八二年十一月号发表法共中央宣传部付部长让——夏尔·内格尔文章,介绍一九八二年六月法共代表团访问捷克斯洛伐克情况,分析八十年代捷克斯洛伐克经济发展动向。八十年代是捷克斯洛伐克经济从粗放向     

苏捷关系:从入侵到撤军

1990年2月26日14时40分,一列牵引着31节车厢,运载着30辆苏军坦克和其他军事装备以及苏军士兵的火车一声长啸,驶离了捷克斯洛伐克的北摩拉维亚州的弗伦斯塔特城火车站,揭开了苏联从捷撤军的序幕。捷克斯洛伐克地处欧洲中心,是苏联通向西欧的一条重要走廊,并拥有发达的重工业和丰富的铀矿,在苏联的欧洲战略中具有举足轻     

革命后的东欧

新的东欧政权面临着经济改革,种族仇视和领土冲突等问题。正在建立的民主政治和市场经济蕴含着民族自决与经济生存的较量。分离的政治要求受到了经济上要求凝聚的制衡,这种凝聚将使后共产主义的东欧加入到“欧共体”走向欧洲一体化的行列中。矛盾的解决很大程度上取决于政治家们能否迅速掌握并重新谱写新的政治竞技的规则,取决于哪些政党能够生存,取决于现在深知有能力把不受欢迎的政治家赶下台的人们的不满与耐心的比值和军队不再干预政治。后共产主义东欧政坛有各种派系。在四个国家(捷克斯洛伐克、匈牙利、波兰和罗马尼亚)共产党是联合政府中的小伙伴;改革的共产党     

捷克斯洛伐克的科教文化卫生事业

捷克斯洛伐克的科学与文化事业科学在人民政权年代里,捷克斯洛伐克的科学获得真正的繁荣。1952年建立了捷克斯洛伐克科学院,之后不久建立了斯洛伐克科学院。五十年代中期全国共有7个科学研究所,创建了捷克斯洛伐克农业科学院,在比较短的时期内科研所机关网点增加了19倍多,而科研机关的工作人员数增加了9倍多。     

捷克斯洛伐克的环境污染情况

法国《东方国家通讯》和西德《明镜》周刊今年三月分别载文谈捷克斯洛伐克的环境污染。据西方报道,捷克斯洛伐克已成为今日欧洲环境污染最严重的国家,四百万人民生活在被严重污染的空气中。太阳经常被一层紫铜色的烟雾遮蔽。如果1970年排出的废气量为100％,那么1975年则达到108％,1980年128％,预计1985年将上升到156％。1980年捷克斯洛伐克排出的废气量达320万吨,同领土面积比它大4.5倍的法国相等。在昔日的“黄金城”布拉     

Slovaks in the Prague Parliament 1918–1938

SUMMARY

Matej Hanula examines the activities of Slovaks in the Prague parliament during the period of the First Czechoslovak Republic. Slovaks in the National Assembly were divided not only between the left and the right of the political spectrum but also according to their attitude towards relations between Slovakia and the Czech lands. One side consisted of parties standing for Czechoslovak national unity—the socialist parties and the Agrarian Party who were dependent on their Prague headquarters. The other side advocated Slovak national independence and regional autonomy within the territory of Czechoslovakia. The two groups were not able to find common ground even on the basic economic needs of Slovakia. But the policy of all Slovaks was based on the territory of the republic. In critical moments they had been its consistent supporters also in parliament.     

Economic Conditions and the Vote for Incumbent Parties in Russia,Poland, Hungary,Slovakia, and the Czech Republic from 1990 to 1996

An American political scientist employs regional electoral, economic, and demographic data across several transition countries—Hungary, Slovakia, Poland, Czech Republic, and Russia—to examine the effects of economic conditions on the electoral fortunes of thirty-two incumbent political parties in ten parliamentary elections. “Primary Incumbents” and “Other Incumbents” are distinguished in order to analyze how the “Degree of Incumbency” affects the relationship between economic conditions and election results for these two different types of incumbents in post-communist countries. The article points to new questions and methods for examining multiparty elections as well as for the relationship between economic conditions and voting outcomes.     

German unification and the continuity of discontinuities: Cultural change and the far right in east and west

This paper contrasts the right‐wing potential in east and west Germany before and after unification in 1990 and relates it to patterns and changes in the east and west German political processes. The first is a restructuring of the political spectrum of the Bonn Republic prior to the fall of the Wall in which an electoral potential for new right‐wing parties has emerged. The second is the rapid and fundamental transformation process in the east and after the collapse of state socialism which takes place in the context of a modified subject culture with authoritarian and traditional patterns. Unification reinforces authoritarian and traditional patterns. Unification enforces those dynamics which had prepared the ground for the emergence of the New Right in the west while adding the insecurities and imponderabilities of the transformation process in the east.     

From rebels to politicians: Explaining the transformation of the RCD-Goma and the MLC in the Democratic Republic of the Congo

This article analyses the transformation of two former Congolese rebel groups, namely the Congolese Rally for Democracy–Goma (RCD-Goma) and the Movement for the Liberation of Congo (MLC), into political parties following the conclusion of the Second Congo War (1998–2003) in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). It is argued that three sets of factors influenced the process of the political transformation of the RCD-Goma and the MLC. These factors related to the stabilisation process that unfolded in the country starting with the signing of the Lusaka Ceasefire Agreement in July 1999, the make-up and the behaviour of the rebel groups involved as well as changes in international politics, especially the advent of the Bush administration to power in the United States in January 2001, which led to increased international pressure on Rwanda and Uganda to desist from interfering in Congolese internal affairs and the strengthening of the United Nations' peace efforts in the DRC.     

Social change, political elections, and the middle class in Korea

The primary purpose of this study is to analyze the political orientations of the Korean middle classes as they were manifested in their voting behavior in the general and presidential elections. In addition, the present study examines the nature of the involvement of the middle classes in the context of each of the major historical events since the liberation from the Japanese colonial rule. The event-specific analysis of the middle class participation made it possible to test the fitness of different hypotheses about the political orientation of the Korean middle classes. With few notable exceptions, the middle classes had not been actively involved in protest movements. Rather, they rely on the democratic political systems to passively promote their own agenda and political transformation. Overall, the middle classes have remained a substantial and silent force, with the potential to be backbone of stability or the engine for change. Their force has been felt strongest in the general and presidential elections, where their support for or opposition to, the ruling party has consistently determined the outcomes. With the growth of voluntary associations representing a wide variety of causes, the middle classes' strength may be diluted somewhat by the number of issues for protest. A cause that finds support across the middle class An earlier version this article was presented at the Conference on “The Republic of Korea After 50 Years: Continuity and Convergence,” Georgetown University, Washington, D.C., October 2–3, 1998.     

The economic development of Vietnam,Laos, and Cambodia

The three states of Indochina are engaged in the most radical economic transformation of any of the nations in Southeast Asia. Of the three countries, the Socialist Republic of Vietnam, with a population of 70 million, is the most important to the market economies of Asia and the West. Although their individual situations vary greatly, the systemic reforms of all three countries emphasize decentralization and privatization, and permit market forces considerable scope in determining economic activity. They remain several decades behind most of their counterparts in the rest of Southeast Asia with respect to the standards of living of their populations and the overall development of their economies. With the end of the Cold War, they have had to redirect their external political relationships and must contemplate internal political reforms occasioned by influences accompanying a new economic orientation. In Vietnam and Laos, the Communist party is in command of the society’s fundamental decisions; it is determined to retain political control. In Cambodia, pluralism and a form of democracy are mandated by the United Nations and by the new Cambodian constitution. Over the near term, full membership in the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) will be important to all three countries once their economies become compatible with the other ASEANs.     

Poverty amid plenty: structural violence and local governance in western Congo

The protracted conflict in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) has drawn sharp criticism regarding the model of liberal peacebuilding employed in the country. Critics emphasise the importance of local ownership of peacebuilding mechanisms at sub-national as well as national levels. This raises questions in relation to the popular legitimacy and efficacy of local mechanisms. Drawing on field research conducted in the relatively affluent province of Bas-Congo in Western Congo, this article highlights a lack of popular legitimacy for provincial-level political authority within the province stemming from an acute marginalisation of the population from local structures of power and wealth. The article also demonstrates the inefficacy of more local, village and neighbourhood-based political structures which, aimed at conflict mitigation rather than transformation, ignore the structural roots of local conflicts and do little to counteract the growing social distrust, conflict and disintegration within local communities.     

Ideological struggle during the formative years of the Turkish Republic

The meaning of republicanism in Turkish political thought is unclear. It has been viewed as a force for modernization and secularization that reached its apotheosis in the Republic founded by Mustafa Kemal. Another widely accepted scholarly view is that the Turkish Republic and its ideology, Kemalism, emerged abruptly in 1923 without any intellectually substantial foundation. This article challenges these views and demonstrates, by contrast, that it is a mistake to understand Turkish republicanism exclusively in Kemalist terms. In the formative period of the Republic (1922–24), its intellectual founders crushed all contesting and rival political viewpoints. The new state's foundational ideology was the sole victor among competing conceptions of Islamic and liberal republicanism. Modern-day Turkish republicanism represents the outcome of centuries of intellectual dispute between these conceptions.     

Translating the State: Ethnic Language Radio in the Lao PDR

ABSTRACT

The nation-building project of the Lao People’s Democratic Republic has been challenged by the task of uniting the multi-ethnic country under its political ideology. The Lao National Radio broadcasts in the Khmu and Hmong languages are the only official voice of minority languages and provide insights on how political messages are sent to the population. In their creation of programming material, the broadcasters must translate the socialist ideology of the Communist Party into language that is politically correct and culturally acceptable. In the process, they are creating a political register in the two languages that is heavily influenced by the linguistic structures of Lao. This article examines these two broadcasts to see how language use at the radio effects the message that is delivered to the listeners, enhancing the calls for mobilisation by teaching the people a new political language reflected not only in terms of lexicon, but also in the syntax and phonology of their translations. The result is a way of speaking that crosses ethno-linguistic boundaries to reinforce the control of the state.     

Armed Struggle,Peace Process and Parliamentarism: James Connolly and the Changing Politics of Provisional Republicanism

Since 1998 Sinn Féin has moved from supporting an armed campaign to full participation in the electoral politics of Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland. In so doing they have had to moderate much of their rhetoric in regard to revolution and armed struggle. They have not, however, jettisoned the attachment to one of their key iconic figures, James Connolly. The retention of Connolly as a central figure in the Provisionals’ political discourse presents an opportunity to use him to examine both continuity and change in the doctrine of Ireland's most prominent republican faction.