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《Journal of Baltic studies》2012,43(3):278-296
Abstract Electoral behavior in new democracies has received significant attention, but patterns of party system development in post-communist countries still raise questions about politicization of societal conflicts and their relevance for the configuration of parties. The article discusses political manifestation of emerging cleavages. First, the study conceptualizes the notion of cleavage. The analysis then identifies the main divisive issues and their effect upon the party system. The social structure and electoral behavior helps to identify emerging cleavages. The article concludes that the formation of cleavages has not stabilized yet, and that to date, societal conflicts only have partial influence on the party system in Lithuania. 相似文献
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《中东研究》2012,48(3):381-408
Studii de istorie (Studies of History), Bucharest, published by the Academy of the Socialist Republic of Romania, 1968; 171 pp. The Academy of the Socialist Republic of Romania, vol. 27, no. 6, November‐December 1976, La pensée philosophique et sociale dans l'empire ottoman aux XIVe‐XVe siècles’ (vol. 6, nos. 1–2, 1968, pp. 76–102). Bucharest at the Academy of the Socialist Republic of Romania, 1974; 215 pp., N. p. (Bucharest ?), Youth Publications’ Press, 1965; 240 pp. C. Giurescu's Amintiri (Memoirs), of which the first volume appeared in Bucharest, Sport and Tourism Press, 1976; 340 pp. Giurescu, who died in 1977, Ghid de conversatie romdn‐turc (Romanian‐Turkish Conversation Handbook), Bucharest, Scientific Press, 1974; 245 pp A. Baubec and F. Ismail's Mic dicfionar turc‐romdn (A Small Turkish‐Romanian Dictionary), announced for publication by Bucharest's Sport and Tourism Press for 1978; 300 pp. Antologie de texte din literatura araba moderna (An Anthology of Texts From Modern Arabic Literature), The University of Bucharest, 1972; 687 pp., Antologie de texte din literatura araba clasica (An Anthology of Texts From Classical Arabic Literature), The University of Bucharest, 1974; 336 pp. Curs de sintaxa a limbei arabe moderne (A Syntax Course For Modern Arabic), The University of Bucharest, 1973; 326 pp. Nicolae Dobri?an's Curs de fonetica si morfologia limbei arabe literare contemporane (A Course For the Phonetics and Morphology of Contemporary Literary Arabic), The University of Bucharest, 1975; 608 pp. Daniel's Orientalia Mirabilia, vol. I, Bucharest, Scientific and Encyclopaedic Press, 1976; 292 pp. Relatiile romdno‐egiptene in epoca moderna si contemporana (Romanian‐Egyptian Relations in the Modern and Contemporary Era), Bucharest, Scientific Press, 1974; 304 pp. Nicolae lorga — A Romanian Historian of the Ottoman Empire, Bucharest, The Academy of the Socialist Republic of Romania ('Bibliotheca Historica Romaniae’ series), 1972; 191 Istoria lui Mihai Voda Viteazul Domnul Tarii Române?ti (The History of the Voievod Michael the Brave, the Domn [= Ruler] of Walachia) was reissued, with minor changes, in Bucharest, Facia Press, 1976; 567 pp. Mouvements nationaux et sociaux roumains au XIXe siècle, Bucharest, The Academy of the Socialist Republic of omania ('Bibliotheca Historica Romaniae’ series), 1971; 335 pp. Paleografia ?i diplomatica turco‐osmana.‐ studiu ?i album (Ottoman‐ Turkish Paleography and Diplomacy: A Study and an Album), The Academy of the Romanian People's Republic, 1958, 359 pp. Catalogul documentelor turce?ti (The Catalogue of Turkish Documents), vol. I, Bucharest, The General Directorate of the State Archives of the Romanian People's Republic, 1960; 683 pp.+ 40 pp. Documente turcesti privind istoria Romdniei, vol. I: 1455—1774 (Turkish Documents Regarding the History of Romania, vol. I: 1455–1774). Istoria Turcilor (The History of the Turks), Bucharest, Scientific and Encyclopaedic Press, 1976; 448 pp. 相似文献
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《Journal of Baltic studies》2012,43(2):156-169
Abstract Presidents can contribute to democratic consolidation by contributing to the decision-making capacity of the state. Lithuanian presidents have done precisely that by using their powers of veto and legislative initiative to full advantage. Further, they can engage in policy implementation. While Lithuania's split executive gives primary responsibility for this function to the government, the president's role in the selection of the Prime Minister permits him to indirectly influence the effectiveness of the government. Finally, presidents play a major role in system maintenance. The primary means at the president's disposal for doing so is his role as the “guardian” of the Constitution and symbol of the state. 相似文献
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《Journal of Baltic studies》2012,43(4):346-359
Abstract The article argues that since the mid 1990s organized crime in Lithuania has undergone significant transformation. During the early 1990s organized crime was characterized by groups challenging the state in the process of privatization of state property. At this time the most important mode of organized criminal activities was coercion, intimidation and violence. Since the mid 1990s the degree of violence typical to organized criminality has declined significantly. Instead organized crime associations have became active in attempting to partially appropriate the state by influencing, bribing and corrupting state actors. Membership of organized crime associations also underwent changes. Formally a number of prominent crime groups were made up of socially homogenous, lower class “outsiders” who used violence as the primary means of domination and enrichment. Contemporary criminal associations typically are comprised of informal networks of individuals of higher socio-economic standing, who are influential in a wide range of domains: legal and illegal, state and private, bureaucracy and private enterprise. Instead of violence a multiplicity of interactions and transactions among these elite networks are utilized to enable, transact, exchange and enhance mutually beneficial influence and criminal enrichment. We explore the dynamics that have facilitated the emergence of the postmodern organized crime associations that have gained legitimate and illegitimate social and political standing and influence within Lithuania. To illustrate the organized crime transformation the most recent political crisis, involving President Paksas' office engagement in corruption and organized crime, is analyzed. The implications of the transformation in organized crime for the criminal justice system in the country are discussed. 相似文献
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《Journal of Baltic studies》2012,43(2):237-258
This article compares three popular explanations for changes in female employment in post-socialist countries: retraditionalization, reserve army of labor, and revalued resources. Although these explanations are complementary in many ways, the retraditionalization thesis seems the most accurate explanation. In the early 1990s, gender-role attitudes were highly traditional, a tendency that might have contributed to the huge decrease in female labor force participation. Despite the changes, the comeback of the male-breadwinner family model is unlikely, since the acceptance of women's working roles is rapidly increasing. 相似文献
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C. Manikandan 《英联邦与比较政治学杂志》2014,52(1):32-54
The Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) is a long-standing regional party in the south Indian state of Tamil Nadu and in common with many parties it has an elite segment that is highly influential. The authors identify and analyse the social composition of the DMK elite at the time of the 2011 assembly election. They argue that the DMK elite need to be understood as a group that is constituted by a set of formal and informal institutional rules. They consider the extent to which family connections or ‘dynastic ties’ alongside other informal rules govern admission to the party elite. They ask to what extent the party elite are drawn from society in general or if the elite are skewed towards a socially privileged segment of Tamil society. This paper disaggregates the party elite in terms of caste, gender and religion. They find that the wider DMK elite of the legislative party bear some microcosmic resemblance to Tamil society but that the elite are segmented so this resemblance is very partial at the more senior levels of the party. They also find that the party has a workable structure and a degree of internal pluralism that is not consistent with claims made in the general literature that parties in India are institutionally weak. 相似文献
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James Barber 《South African Journal of International Affairs》2013,20(1):51-71
This article raises some important questions such as does Nepad have what it takes to create change and bring added value amid all the many other development initiatives? Is it sustainable? Does it have the credibility to fly? 相似文献
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Current struggles for power, land and resources in Kenyan Maasailandcan only be understood in a one hundred-year context, by returningto the forced moves and land losses of the 1900s and closelyexamining subsequent complaints about their alleged illegalityand long-term impacts. Drawing upon archival research and oraltestimony, this article explains why the Maasai community'ssense of loss and betrayal is so enduring. Maasai grievancesstem from a feeling that they have been betrayed by the British,from the political ambitions of particular Maasai leaders, andfrom historical divisions between different groups of Maasai.Entangled with all these reasons for grievance is the use ofhistory and myth in constructing nationalist and bounded identities. 相似文献
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Jayne Werner 《亚洲研究》2013,45(2):48-55
AbstractSince reunification in 1976, Vietnam's faltering economy has produced a crisis of grave proportions, the causes of which are not yet fully understood. The drawn-out consequences of 45 years of war and international isolation are obviously important elements affecting the Vietnamese economy, but the crisis has continued—if not worsened since the end of the war. Grain production—16.2 million tons in 1983—has not kept pace with consumption needs. Official figures indicate that during 1983 per capita food production was 296 kg., up from a 1978 low of 243 kg., but still well below war-time levels. 相似文献
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《Journal of Baltic studies》2012,43(3):409-425
This paper deals with popular perceptions of Soviet ideology during the period of Late Socialism. On the premises of colonial theory, mass communication and pop culture studies, the author argues that even totalitarian ideologies are subject to active consumption, excorporation and interpolation. While the official Soviet media provided a rather stable picture of the Soviet citizen, loyal to the Soviet authorities and the Soviet ideals, this paper reveals, on the basis of multiple interviews, how ideology operates at the level of everyday life and popular consciousness. 相似文献
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Like other developing countries, China has been struggling with corruption. Judicial corruption, in particular, damages the rule of law and presents a market disruption as an outcome of a lack of commitment by the government regarding property rights. This article seeks to explain the variations in judicial corruption within China, and it develops a theory of city-level corruption of judges. The theory is tested by an empirical study with data from the World Bank corruption survey using a Bayesian spatial linear model. While wealth appears to diminish corruption, there is also a strong spatial relationship with regard to the level of judicial corruption in China, indicating that as some regions become less corrupt, surrounding areas also experience a diminution in corruption. Thus, through a process organic to the current regime, China could experience an increase in judicial trustworthiness. 相似文献
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