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1.
Berliner Journal für Soziologie - Der Artikel zeigt auf, dass das Werk Emile Durkheims zwei Forschungsprogramme im Bereich der Wirtschaftssoziologie umfasst. Beim ersten liegt der Schwerpunkt...  相似文献   

2.
Innerhalb der deutschen Soziologie wurde die Arbeit Michel Foucaults bisher eher verhalten rezipiert. Immer wieder ist in der Auseinandersetzung mit seinen Texten auf zentrale theoretische Defizite und begriffliche Verengungen der Machtanalytik hingewiesen worden. Im Rahmen eines Theorievergleichs mit Max Webers Herrschaftssoziologie auf der einen und der Theorie der Zivilisation von Norbert Elias auf der anderen Seite sollen in diesem Beitrag die analytischen Stärken der ?Genealogie der Macht“ herausgearbeitet werden. Dabei wird die These vertreten, dass sich schwer wiegende Probleme der beiden Theorieansätze durch den Rekurs auf das Foucaultsche Konzept der Gouvernementalität überwinden lassen. Die Problematik der Gouvernementalität erschließt — so die weiter gehende Annahme — der soziologischen Machtforschung eine Reihe innovativer Forschungsperspektiven und öffnet sie für neue Fragestellungen.  相似文献   

3.
In der vergleichenden politischen Ökonomie hat das Thema Ausbildung vor allem seit der “Varieties of Capitalism”‐Forschung an Popularität gewonnen. Deutschland, Österreich und die Schweiz gelten dabei als Länder, die ihre Arbeitskräfte im Rahmen einer korporatistisch gesteuerten dualen Ausbildung beruflich bilden. Unser Beitrag zeigt jedoch, dass sich die relativen Teilnehmerzahlen verschiedener Bildungsgänge im Sekundarbereich II seit Mitte der 1970er Jahre unterschiedlich entwickelt haben. In Österreich hat sich über die Zeit die staatlich gesteuerte vollzeitschulische Berufsausbildung neben der dualen Ausbildung etabliert. In Deutschland und in der Schweiz ist das duale Ausbildungssystem nach wie vor dominierend. Als ausschlaggebend für die Expansion der vollzeitschulischen Ausbildung in Österreich identifizieren wir drei zentrale Punkte: erstens die Dominanz der österreichischen Sozialdemokratie und deren informelle Zusammenarbeit mit den Christdemokraten, zweitens die Steuerung des österreichischen Bildungswesens durch den Zentralstaat und drittens die breite Unterstützung der Berufsbildungsreformen durch Arbeitgeber und Gewerkschaften. Bedeutende Weichenstellungen erfolgten in den 1970er Jahren.  相似文献   

4.
In schools humans are classified and categorized by other humans through the assessment of their actions and documents they produce there. This practice of differentiation essentially relies on contingent teacher judgements that are aggregated into marks, end-of-year reports or school graduation certificates. The article explores the formal and informal situations of teachers talking about their students and classes and making decisions about their school reports. While teachers share their judgements on pupils in informal staff-room conversations, the thereby generated knowledge does not necessarily result in social consequences. It does, though, in formal gatherings such as report conferences, where the judgements are ratified and fixated. The judgement of an individual teacher is hereby transformed into a grade given by the school. By analytically characterizing these social and numeric-administrative objectifications the article shows how judgements on pupils are kept reversible and simultaneously become solidified during the school year.  相似文献   

5.
This essay analyses the programmatic dimension (?Normalerzählung“ or ?normal account“) of official statistics as a social institution and identifies the two concepts of visibility (?Sichtbarkeit“) and availability (?Verfügbarkeit“) as basic principles of modern official statistics. Up to the 18th Century, the proto-statistical attempts at the quantification of the social can still be described as producing ?visibility without availability“. But with the birth of official statistics as an institution in 19th Century the two basic principles are closely coupled. This coupling in statistic visibility regimes of different ranges and depths appears to be unbroken up to the 1970s and 1980s. Towards the end of the 20th Century, however, these principles are increasingly put to the question. This article argues that this can be interpreted as an indication of a reflexive modernization of the official statistics. These developments will finally be illustrated by empirical examples from the public discourse of unemployment statistics.  相似文献   

6.
The research reported here follows up on the long-standing discussion concerning the regional distribution of violent crime in Germany. It focuses on assault and robbery rates reported by the official German crime statistics for the years 2005–2007 in each of the 413 communal districts (“Kreise”). The discussions commonly contrast the eastern region (till 1990 the territory of the communist ruled “German Democratic Republic”) with the northern and the southern region of the (now) western part of the “Federal Republic of Germany”. It becomes obvious, however, that crime rates vary much more within than between these regions. More than half of the overall variation can be explained by two composite measures of relative deprivation and the level of urbanization. A number of additional variables have been tested for their explanatory power, including a newly constructed measure of disintegrative individualism. It successfully identifies a specific criminogenic potential associated with certain structural elements of a developing “knowledge society” and the rapid expansion of higher education. Apart from ordinary regression analyses various techniques of spatial data analysis have also been applied.  相似文献   

7.
This contribution analyzes relations between capitalistLandnahme*, the current twofold??economic and ecological??crisis of capitalism and social inequality. The core assumption is that capitalist societies need to constantly seize non-capitalist social environments in order to safeguard processes of dynamic self-stabilization. At present however, a tipping point seems to have been reached as conventional economic growth, set to overcome economic crisis, inevitably increases ecological dangers. Advanced capitalist societies thus face a growth dilemma and it seems necessary to readjust the ??axes of inequality??. To this purpose a theory of capitalistLandnahme is essential, as this approach encapsulates an extended concept of exploitative relations, which allows for a pluralistic understanding of social antagonisms and relations of domination. This article offers a topical analysis of finance capitalism in order to exemplify this approach. It argues that theLandnahme theorem can be brought to bear fruitfully as an analytical link between a theory of capitalism and research in intersectionality.  相似文献   

8.
The article explores theoretical arguments that help understand the specificity of financial forms of meaning as well as their dissemination beyond financial markets. It revaluates the argument, discussed in the Social Studies of Finance, that financial operations and knowledge practices are characterized by a performative logic. While this argument suggests that financial forms of meaning ought to be conceptualized as a mode of knowledge, the article proposes an alternative. Proceeding from Jürgen Habermas??s distinction between life-world and systemic rationality, it argues that financial markets rely on a distinctive mode of action coordination: actors orient their actions not at the possible motives of others but at the cumulating consequences of their action (prices). The prevalent mode of meaning in financial markets, thus, can be conceptualized as action coordination through signal communication. This mode of meaning has been institutionally and technologically fostered in the course of the twentieth century, spreading across the financial economy and beyond. As an example the article refers to current political debates about the stabilization of the Euro, which significantly evoke the idea of political signals vis-à-vis the financial markets.  相似文献   

9.
Whereas educational inequalities between women and men and differences in labor market participation shrinked or even diminished during the last decades, the gender pay gap remained stable over time. This is remarkable because the pay gap has attracted much more attention as the main target of anti-discrimination policies. Using data from the IAB (Institute for Employment Research), we analyze whether the average pay gap between women and men working full-time can be explained by their employment in different industries, occupations, and firms. As the smallest level of analysis we focus on occupations within firms (job cells). This strategy of analysis yields the best possible approximation to the concept of “within-job wage gap”. The results show that women with equivalent training and occupational experience earn wages that are 12 percent less than the wages of men in such job cells. Even though the educational participation of women rose to that of their male counterpart, the gender composition of labor market participation changed and the pressure of equal employment policies grew, the gender wage gap does not decrease within our observation period (1993–2006). In conclusion, we discuss theoretical and methodological reasons for this finding.  相似文献   

10.
The paper deals with the interaction of horizontal and vertical European integration. It asks whether the principle of free movement of labour does not only legally but also de facto prevent discrimination of non-nationals in EU Member States. Theoretically, the analysis is framed by distinguishing three interrelated types of social fields: a supranational political field of free movement of labour, national labour market fields and an intermediary transnational space of mobility. Focusing on the German labour market and drawing on comprehensive administrative data the article shows that wage differences are to a large extend caused by differences in relevant labour market characteristics such as age or education. However, for the vast majority of EU non-nationals in Germany is also observed discrimination in payment. Strikingly, positive discrimination is more pronounced than negative discrimination. These differences are understood as hinting at the increasing importance of comparisons between national labour markets in the EU.  相似文献   

11.
Nowadays, relational sociology is represented by sociological approaches from the US and from France. These approaches share the aim of recombining the two “mega-paradigms” in the social sciences, structuralism and pragmatism. Relational sociology is thereby conceived as a project integrating the analysis of different forms of social practices and structures. The article aims to identify the specific properties of relational sociology beyond this common basis. Starting with the “New York school of relational sociology”, it is shown that this school can on the one side be regarded as a contemporary approach of relational sociology, having introduced innovative contributions, but also shows deficient developments on the other side. Thereupon “actor-network theory” and “economics of convention” in particular are presented as examples of the “new pragmatic sociologies” in France, which can also be regarded as modern versions of relational sociology. After characterizing and comparing these three versions of relational sociology, their metatheoretical and particularly methodological commonalities are presented. Finally, the article tries to define positively what constitutes relational sociology.  相似文献   

12.
SUMMARY

The object of this article is the analysis of Ostrogorski's, Michels' and Weber's statements on the connections between parties and Parliament. These three authors are really known as the founders of the sociology of parties, but their consideration of the relations between parties and Parliament in the time of mass-society represents an interesting component of their inquiry. Firstly, their remarks are significant in the historical respect, because they take into account (although in different ways) the problematical function of mediation taken on by the parties in political life; secondly, they arouse interest from the political point of view, because they look for alternative solutions and emendations. Their suggestions concern both the internal organization of the party, how to obtain more flexibility in the framework and more democracy and discussion on the decision-making level, and the integration of the party-system in a general political system of balance of powers, which should include at the same time a more consistent development of direct and participative democracy.  相似文献   

13.
14.
The article discusses the development, meaning and theoretical context of both Robert Merton’s concept of “opportunity structure” and the concept of “life-chances” that he took up from Max Weber. In order to analyze crucial social conflicts, I argue that both concepts should follow along the lines of conflict theory. While they converge in terms of meaning, we need different theoretical strategies to make their analytical and explanatory power explicit. First, a reinterpretation of the concept of opportunity structure shows that social actors might reduce others’ access to options while realizing their own aims; second, life-chances should be put again in a Weberian perspective for two reasons. On the one hand Weber already conceptualizes them in the context of social struggles, on the other hand he shows that the mechanism of social closure helps to understand how people exclude others from life-chances by monopolizing resources.  相似文献   

15.
Der vorliegende Beitrag untersucht die weit verbreitete These, dass Deutschschweizer Kantone vor allem radikaldemokratische Merkmale aufweisen, während die lateinischen Kantone stärker liberal‐repräsentative Demokratieformen besitzen. Die empirische und mehrdimensionale Messung der Demokratiequalität in den Kantonen zeigt, dass die pauschale These der direktdemokratisch‐partizipatorischen Deutschschweizer Kantone auf der einen Seite und der repräsentativdemokratischen Stände der lateinischen Schweiz auf der anderen Seite der Komplexität der kantonalen Demokratien nicht gerecht wird. Als erklärungskräftige Alternative für die Positionen der Kantone auf den Achsen liberaler und radikaler Demokratien an der Schwelle des 21. Jahrhunderts erweist sich vielmehr die Stärke der liberalen und demokratischen Verfassungsbewegungen in den Kantonen Mitte des 19. Jahrhunderts.  相似文献   

16.
The article addresses Pierre Bourdieu’s occasional reflections on a “structural psychology” and suggests an approach to further develop this concept as part of his relational program. For this purpose, the paper first elaborates the psychoanalytical and psychological aspects of habitus-field theory. Based on data from the National Educational Panel Study (NEPS) it then illustrates the empirical correspondence between Bourdieu’s social space and the big five personality factors as well as occupational interests on the basis of various indicators. The psychological information is transferred into empirical typologies, and the resulting classes are used for a psychologically informed reconstruction of the social space. The study and its results demonstrate the potential of a psychological interpretation of Bourdieu’s habitus concept and a socio-spatial, structural interpretation of psychological characteristics.  相似文献   

17.
Berliner Journal für Soziologie - Im Zuge des allgemeinen Trends zur ökonomischen Flexibilisierung ist Leiharbeit zu einer zunehmend bedeutenden Beschäftigungsform in Deutschland...  相似文献   

18.
In the course of the general trend of economic flexibilization, temporary agency work (TAW) has become an increasingly important form of employment in Germany and is often associated with precariousness. Previous research has not yet regarded TAW in connection with private life. The article investigates the influence of TAW on young adults’ relationships and fertility decisions. For this purpose, 13 qualitative problem-centered interviews were conducted with German male and female temporary agency workers, aged 21–35 years. Results indicate that the characteristics of TAW are preponderantly estimated negatively, but effects on relationship quality differed according to the position in the social strata: Interviewees with higher educational degrees appraise TAW as largely beneficial to their partnerships, whereas low-skilled workers’ relationships are influenced detrimentally by a lack of recognition at the workplace and material deprivation. Both groups evaluate job insecurity, low remuneration, and geographical mobility as obstacles to parenthood.  相似文献   

19.
Abstract

In his novella on German-Lithuanian relations, which is the theme of Litauische Claviere, the East German writer Johannes Bobrowski (1917–1965) attributes a proto-Marxist dialectic outlook to the Lithuanian national poet Kristijonas Donelaitis, in that Donelaitis is presented by Bobrowski as a harsh critic of the injustices of 18th century Lithuanian society seen through the prism of a class struggle. As Bobrowski was writing at a time when writers were expected to conform to Party ideology, it is of interest to revisit the official interpretation of Donelaitis work during the Soviet era.  相似文献   

20.
SUMMARY

It is the common opinion of Whig historians, and not a few recent revisionists, that James VII and II undermined the parliamentary cultures of England and Scotland before the revolution of 1688–89. At the extreme end of this approach he is declared to have usurped parliamentary authority in a drive for absolute power. Some of this is now seen as rhetorical exaggeration but James certainly developed a particular understanding of the power of parliaments in relation to monarchy. In some respects this was a return to a late medieval Stewart and Tudor outlook, that of James V of Scotland and Henry VIII of England, which saw parliaments as the personal vehicles of royal authority. The difficulty for James, of course, was that the Scottish and English Parliaments had become ‘modernized’ over the seventeenth century, growing a strong sense of independence and legitimacy as representative institutions. In this essay both the practical engagement James had with Scottish affairs and his philosophical opinions as revealed in his own writings will be explored in an attempt to better define this monarch's view of the Scottish Parliament and its workings. Through this, his reactions to the notions of unionism and nationalism will become more apparent.  相似文献   

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