两岸合作开发南海渔业资源法律机制构建

南海自古以来便是中国渔民的重要作业渔场。两岸合作开发南海渔业资源,是解决南海争端的重要着手点和突破口。两岸南海渔业合作符合双方共同利益,但这一合作必定面临诸多内外因素阻碍。内部因素是两岸主权共识缺失、互信基础薄弱、沟通渠道有限;外部因素是南海周边国家的分化和美国的阻扰。然而,南海渔业资源北衰南兴的现状与外来侵渔的紧迫形势决定了两岸加紧合作共同维护南海渔业资源主权权利是必要的。目前两岸在政策、法律和技术层面的一致性、默契性和互补性也决定了双方南海渔业合作是可行的。两岸可基于《海峡两岸经济合作框架协议》已搭建的制度化平台,由两岸经济合作委员会成立南海渔业工作小组,通过签订协议的方式构建南海渔业资源合作开发法律机制。     

论两岸在南海争端中的战略合作问题

在两岸关系和平发展进程中,南海问题是一个具有战略价值的议题.两岸是否需要和能否在当前激烈的南海争端中进行战略合作,需要进行全面的考察.马英九执政以来,台湾当局的南海政策重新回到了1994年的政策轨道,重申"中华民国"拥有南海主权,并有意推动两岸合作开发南海资源.但是,两岸的"南海合作"不得不面对内外因素的制约.两岸之间能否搁置争议、构筑互信和建立必要的沟通平台是必须考虑的内部制约因素,而制约两岸合作的外部因素则主要是美国的阻挠和南海周边国家的分化.总体看来,两岸在南海问题上谋求合作,符合两岸的根本利益,既有利于维持中国的海洋权益,也有利于推动两岸关系和平发展.     

Sailing Into New Waters

正July 11 marks the 17 th Maritime Day of China. On this very day some 600 years ago,Zheng He,a great navigator from the Ming Dynasty(1368-1644),kicked off his first voyage into the vast open waters. In total,Zheng undertook seven expeditions on behalf of the Chinese emperor sailing across the South China Sea,Indian Ocean,Arabian Sea,Red Sea,and along the east coast of Africa,leaving behind a wide range of cultural,religious and economic heritage.     

China to the West:Stop Meddling

The British newspaper The Times published a signed article by Liu Xiaoming,the Chinese Ambassador to Britain, on May 4 entitled "Stop Meddling in the South China Sea." The ful text is as folows:     

Multinational oil companies and the spratly dispute

Unlike other studies on the contest for the South China Sea which heavily rely on security and foreign policy analyses, this article analyzes the issue focusing on the impact of multinational oil companies on the national policies of the littoral countries and on the territorial dispute in the South China Sea. This study acknowledges that there are many other additional factors and forces (strategic, military, economic, historical, etc.) affecting the dispute. However, they will not be included in the focus of this study. This article singles out oil companies as one important factor and argues that the participation of multinational oil companies in the South China Sea further internationalizes the dispute and increases international attention to the dispute. Because of the internationalization of the dispute and the need for a stable environment for economic growth in the region, it is unlikely for any disputers to engage in a major conflict without incurring high costs in military, political and economic terms. Under such conditions, western oil companies play critical roles. This study has five sections. The first section describes the background of the dispute in the Spratly Islands. The second section discusses the national policies of the host countries to attract western oil companies to engage in oil exploration in the Spratlys. The third section analyzes oil companies’ attitudes and their corporate strategies for exploration there. The fourth section uses the case of the Wanan Bei dispute to illustrate the role of western oil companies’ in the dispute. The final section summarizes the influence made by the western oil companies.     

1949年招商局迁台述论

抗战胜利后，招商局陆续恢复长江沿海各埠分局及办事处，航线遍及南北洋沿海及东南亚各地，拥有大小船舶490艘，达到招商局成立以来船舶拥有量的最高点。1949年，招商局随同国民党迁往台湾，迁台船舶为92艘，并承担了政府机关、人员及物资的迁台工作。迁台后，随着形势的变化，船舶数量、分支机构、码头、员工以及航线缩减，台湾招商局实力骤减。     

China's New Assertiveness in the South China Sea

China's new assertiveness in the South China Sea has arisen from the growth of its military power, its ‘triumphalism’ in the wake of the Western financial crisis and its heightened nationalism. The other littoral states of the South China Sea have been troubled by the opacity of Chinese politics and of the process of military decision-making amid a proliferation of apparently separately controlled maritime forces. The more active role being played by the United States in the region, in part as a response to Chinese activism, has troubled Beijing. While most of the ASEAN states have welcomed America as a hedge against growing Chinese power, their economies have become increasingly dependent upon China and they don't want to be a party to any potential conflict between these two giants. The problem is that there is no apparent resolution to what the Chinese call, in effect, these ‘indisputable disputes’.     

Dispute Settlement Needs Concerted Efforts

China's Ministry of Foreign Affairs on June 8 issued a statement calling for the settlement of China's disputes with the Philippines in the South China Sea through bilateral negotiation on the basis of respecting historical facts and in accordance with international law. It said that the door for China-Philippines bilateral negotiation is always open. An edited version of the article follows     

20世纪90年代以来南海争端中的美国因素

20世纪90年代中期以来,美国以保护自由通航为由逐步介入南海的争端,并将此作为实现其亚太战略的一种手段。美国的介入对中国南海主权权益的维护产生的负面影响是：危及中国战略安全利益,增加中国收回南海主权的难度,加剧了地区紧张局势。中国政府坚定地表达了维护国家领土主权的决心和意志,并采取了切实措施维护中国的领海主权;坚持“以邻为善,以邻为伴”的周边外交政策,加强与东盟的战略沟通和战略互信：有针对性地应对美国在南海地区的利益需求。     

America in the Eyes of America Watchers: survey research in Beijing in 2012

Based on an original survey conducted in the summer of 2012 in Beijing, we examine how China's America watchers—IR scholars who work on US-China relations—have viewed China's power status in the international system, US-China relations and some specific US policies in Asia. Our survey shows that almost half of the survey participants thought that America would remain the global hegemon in the next ten years. Meanwhile, a large majority was also optimistic that China is a rising great power, especially in the economic sense, in the world. More than half of the respondents saw Asian military issues, such as the South China Sea issue, as the most difficult problem between China and the US.     

China and Maritime Cooperation in East Asia: recent developments and future prospects

Future international relations in East Asia are likely to be largely shaped by the maritime strategies and policies of various actors. This paper examines China's policy and behavior in maritime cooperation in the East Asian region in recent years, a topic that has been insufficiently understood. I suggest that while it is necessary and useful to take into account China's naval power, more attention to Chinese intentions and policy on East Asian maritime issues is warranted to arrive at a more balanced, and arguably more accurate, understanding of China's role in East Asian maritime affairs. This paper takes stock of China's changing perceptions, attitudes, and behaviors in maritime cooperation in the region. I describe China's new policy moves in the South China Sea and East China Sea. I also address some of the major Chinese concerns for further maritime cooperation in East Asia. I conclude that while a grand cooperative maritime regime is still not possible from a Chinese perspective, China is likely to agree to more extensive and substantive maritime cooperation in many functional areas, most notably in the non-traditional security arena.     

An Emerging Consensus on the US Threat: the United States according to PLA officers

Though the PLA elite perceptions of the United States have fluctuated over time, there has been some regularity in the evolution of their perceptions. Comparing the dominant perceptions of the United States among different generations of Chinese military elites in the PRC, we find that the PLA elite perceptions of US intentions have been foremost influenced by China's strategic interest in a certain period, rather than the level and intensity of bilateral exchanges at the time. Using the case of US arms sales to Taiwan and the case of the South China Sea and the Diaoyu Islands, we try to assess how consistent and persistent PLA elite perceptions of the US have been in recent years. While we agree that these outspoken military men cannot be taken on the surface as indicative of China's national policies, we will also point out several important dimensions that are likely to allow the PLA to play a more influential role in setting the agenda for China's strategic interest in the era of Xi Jinping.     

华南族群的互动与认同

华南地区少数民族族群来源复杂,结构多样.早在远古时代就有许多原始族群活跃在华南,族群之间不断互动、涵化,到清朝基本定型为三个层次.华南族群中既包括少数民族族群,也包括汉族族群.各族群的认同基本上都是从族源认同和语言认同两个方面来概定,其中,语言认同方面汉族族群的方言比少数民族族群的方言种类更多,内容更丰富.     

China–Africa Cooperation: promises,practice and prospects

Chinese engagement in African states has increased tremendously over the last decade, much in line with Chinese globalisation strategies and supported by state encouragement and financial support. The size and potential of China as a world power leads to the level of expectations the country faces from the developing world. However, some elements of these expectations are also created through political discourses which emphasise differences with Western countries. The types of promises that the Chinese leadership makes to create such enthusiastic welcome amongst African political leaders are linked closely to the discourse on South–South cooperation. Albeit different from Western development assistance promises and parallel attempts to produce moderate expectations, the current discourse is thus partly sowing the seeds for future disappointment. This article takes a closer look at the discussions around South–South cooperation in China–Africa relations and at key rhetorical features (‘mutual benefit’; ‘non-interference’) and at the practice of this cooperation. It concludes that the Chinese discourse is creating large public expectations in African countries and while China delivers on many projects, its impact on development is less certain. The overall development success of this strategy builds on longer-term success and is implicitly linked to the occurrence of more reforms in Africa. Chinese policy thus ‘bets on the future’ in their foreign relations with Africa; the success of this strategy is dependent on political circumstances among the partners that are largely beyond Chinese control. In a number of cases, it can thus be expected that currently up-beat political rhetoric is going to meet obstacles that will require adjustments in a discourse that, in its current form, might undermine Chinese credibility if not the core elements of South–South cooperation altogether.     

发展中不平等问题的中韩比较

韩国在1970—1984年与中国1992-2006年间有着十分相似的经济状况并且几乎以相同的轨迹增长。数据比较显示：中韩在经济发展过程中，中国的基尼系数、城乡人均收入差距等都呈逐渐增加并不断高于韩国的趋势；但是在教育支出、中高等教育入学率等方面都远不及韩国的增长速度。韩国的新农村建设、教育制度、社保制度保证是韩国缩小城乡差距，实现一元化经济的三大重要因素，而中国在这几方面都存在不同程度的不足与政策缺失。全面推进新农村建设、大力发展教育事业、完善社保制度是解决当前中国收入差距不断扩大、经济发展中的收入分配不平等问题的重要举措。     

试论南方少数民族的传统文化及其现代转型

我国是一个多民族的国家，各少数民族在其漫长的历史发展过程中，以自己的勤劳和智慧，创造了具有鲜明民族特色的传统文化。我国少数民族的传统文化大多内涵丰富，色彩缤纷，具有悠久的历史，它们适应其赖以产生的社会物质条件，不但在过去，直到今天仍对少数民族社会的稳定和发展起着非常重要的作用。我国少数民族以自己独具特色的民族传统文化丰富了中华传统文化的宝库，为中华传统文化的形成和发展作出了积极的贡献。当前，我国已全面进入现代化的发展时期。我国各少数民族不论其处于什么样的社会发展水平或处于什么样的地理环境，都不可…     

韩国提高妇女地位机制的建立与发展--兼论对中国提高妇女地位机制的启示

根据“联合国妇女十年”的要求,韩国于1983年建立了“韩国妇女发展机构,”附设在政府的健康和福利部之下。第四次世界妇女大会后,韩国顺应建立和加强提高妇女地位国家机制的国际潮流,建立和完善了韩国政府的性别平等部和性别政策国家机制,将社会性别关注纳入政府政策制定和执行的主流,并不断提高国家机制的权威性、执行力、影响力和效力,有效地推动了韩国的性别平等事业和社会的可持续发展。韩国提高妇女地位的机制和推行社会性别主流化的模式,1999年被联合国妇女发展基金(UNIFEM)遴选为执行《消除对妇女一切形式歧视公约》(CEDAW)最佳的7个方式之一。其经验和做法可为中国加强和完善提高妇女地位的国家机制提供参考。     

环渤海视角下辽宁沿海经济带环境保护战略

该文从环渤海地区整体区域视角下,分析了经济快速增长过程中出现的主要环境问题,提出了辽宁沿海经济带环境保护的五项战略。     

New Understanding of the Socialist Human Rights Concept with Chinese Characteristics and its Practice: An Overview of the International Conference on the International Cooperation in Human Rights and the Chinese Perspective

The International Conference on the International Cooperation in Human Rights and the Chinese Perspective organized by the Institute of International Law, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, took place in Beijing, China from October 22-23, 2016. Both Chinese and foreign human rights experts convened to exchange their opinions on the new development of the human rights theories and practices, especially from the Chinese perspective. The socialist concept on human rights with Chinese characteristics was discussed intensively during the meeting and new terms such as "the Human Rights Model of the South" and "the Human Rights Perspective of the South" were raised. The participants interpreted and summed up the experiences and features of the Chinese socialist human rights cause. The drafting and implementation of the Chinese National Human Rights Action Plans and the progress in the promotion of rule of law in China were mentioned. They highly valued the constructive roles played by China in the international human rights cooperation field, especially under the United Nations(UN) human rights regime and for the implementation of the UN 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development.